Thanks to implacability of Nepali Congress president Girija Prasad Koirala, the five-decade-old party has psychologically split, threatening to trigger a long spell of political instability in the country. Although Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba’s decision to dissolve the House of Representatives and call fresh elections was untimely, it was a politically and constitutionally right – and a decision that Koirala had exercised in his first tenure as premier. How a politician of Koirala’s stature could take such an extreme position remains a mystery. The challenge for 79-year-old leader, who is physically weak and mentally under great pressure, is to lead the party into the elections in November. Apart from ruining his reputation and clout, Koirala’s rigidity has given history the opportunity to blame him for dividing the party.
By KESHAB POUDEL
Had Nepali Congress president Girija Prasad Koirala taken a more reasonable and rational step, the crisis engulfing the ruling party might have been averted. Had Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba waited a few more days, a compromise formula might have been found. Despite the unusual political decisions taken by Deuba, history will blame Koirala for ruining the five-decade-old party.
Deuba and his supporters in the General Convention : Strong reaction
Deuba and his supporters in the General Convention : Strong reaction
Instead of reaching a reasonable political decision, Koirala opted for a hawkish response in demanding that Prime Minister Deuba hand over a written apology for having dissolved the House of Representatives. This is not the first time that the Nepali Congress has confronted a major crisis. From its early days, the party has rotated on a cycle of division and unification. But the scale of the crisis this time was inordinately massive, producing vertical cracks in the party. Although Nepali Congress supreme leader Ganesh Man Singh felt compelled to leave the party in 1995 along with some senior party leaders, that move did not affect the party’s rank and file. Although Koirala and Krishna Prasad Bhattarai pulled the party from the brink of disaster, the organization was reduced from the ruling to the main opposition party.
Koirala and Bhattarai are physically weak to demonstrate such skill today. The Koirala-led Congress will have much to lose, especially amid its dearth of leaders with mass following. The faction led by Deuba is in a more advantageous position, as it has a number of relatively young leaders with mass appeal.
Deuba’s main backer is Khum Bahadur Khadka who revolted against Koirala after his expulsion from the party’s parliamentary committee. Pradeep Giri, Bimlendra Nidhi, Prakash Man Singh, Bijaya Kumar Gachhedar, Jaya Prakash Prasad Gupta and Hom Nath Dahal, too, are with Deuba. Sushil Koirala, Govinda Raj Joshi, Arjun Narsingh KC Shailaja Acharya and Chakra Prasad Bastola are among the luminaries of the Koirala camp.
Deuba, who saved Koirala’s life in Surajpura during the Panchayat days, will have to rely on those who have been waging a long war against the Koirala family’s domination of the party. A strong group of Congress leaders including Bhattarai, Basu Risal, Yog Prasad Upadhyaya, Omkar Shrestha and others have maintained neutrality in the party’s internal feud. Ram Chandra Poudel, Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat, Mahesh Acharya, Narahari Acharya, Amod Upadhyaya and Taranath Ranabhat have made all kinds of efforts to bring the two warring factions together.
Khadka (left), Deuba and Wagle : Leading the rebellion
Khadka (left), Deuba and Wagle : Leading the rebellion
Weakening Traditional Force
With the restoration of democracy in 1990, Nepal’s traditional forces have been weakened, ceding space to radical groups. In 1990, a large number of political workers were thrown out along with the political system. Amid that tumult, Nepalese politics underwent a period of polarization. The Nepali Congress suffered a major blow in 1994 when a rival faction stayed away from a parliamentary vote and forced Koirala to dissolve the house and call mid-term elections.
The institution of monarchy suffered a major blow following last year’s mysterious killing of nine royal family members. As all other traditional forces are either badly shaken or are in no position to assert their role, the country seem to be heading towards more chaos.
“This type of vertical split in the Nepali Congress will have a long lasting effect on political stability, as the party has also played an important role in linking traditional and modern force,” said a political analyst. “If Congress loses its position, there is no other alternative liberal democratic party to link these forces.”
Although the freshly reunited main opposition CPN-UML has adopted a more liberal approach, it is in no position to get sympathy from western liberal democratic world. “The Congress governments led by Koirala and Deuba developed good links with the western world in connection with the violence faced by the country,” said a political analyst. At a time when the Deuba government is establishing strong ties with the western world to quell the insurgency, the split would have strong effects in this effort.”
With moderates increasingly sidelined, the party is now in the grip of extreme radicals. Koirala and Deuba have enough supporters around them who hold extremist views, but they do not have anyone who can guide them politically. “Even after the split or divisions in the party, Deuba’s position is not going to be different than Koirala’s,” said the analyst. “Neither man can take his own decision or speak his own mind.”
Until a few years back, Khum Bahadur Khadka, Govinda Raj Joshi, Bijay Kumar Gachhedar and Arjun Narsingh KC were known as the gang of KGBA. Interestingly, KC and Joshi are with Koirala today, while Khadka and Gacchedar are with Deuba. These four individuals will have a major role to play in the party.
Deuba (left), and Koirala : Scene from the past
Deuba (left), and Koirala : Scene from the past
Regardless of any compromise formula that might be reached, the Nepali Congress has already been divided mentally. The bitterness in the build-up toward a formal division in the party has pushed Nepal into a new phase of instability.
History of Party Division
South Asia has had a long history of party splits. In Nepalese politics, everybody wants to follow the model of late Indian leader Indira Gandhi, who captured the Indian National Congress after throwing out all senior party leaders in 1968. She ruled India for more than a decade and even imposed a state of emergency in 1975. The Koirala and Deuba camps seem to have similar ideas in mind. But neither leader has Indira Gandhi’s charisma, skill or strength.
In earlier days, Koirala would have made a lot of difference in the future of the party. He has built a political career on a reputation for strong organization skills and mass appeal. Koirala’s age will no longer permit him to draw on those resources.
Sujata Koirala, the daughter of Girija Prasad Koirala, is presenting herself as the legitimate successor to her father. In the last few weeks, her residence in Mandikhatar has been the prime venue for all political activities of the Koirala camp. Although she has some organization skills, honed through her involvement in social welfare programs, Sujata does not enjoy acceptance within the party.
Koirala : Difficult times
Koirala : Difficult times
Prime Minister Deuba has developed some leadership qualities and has gained national and international acceptance. But he lacks the determination and dedication of Koirala. Former finance minister Dr. Ram Sharan Mahat has a well-accepted personality in the national and international level, but he has always been pushed back by rivals in the party leadership.
Unity Efforts
Bhattarai, the only founding member of the Nepali Congress alive today, made several attempts to bring the two factions together since his return home after undergoing medical treatment in Britain. But such attempts prompted little response from the Nepali Congress central committee, dominated by Koirala loyalists. The disciplinary committee of the ruling party, also dominated by Koirala supporters, expelled Deuba from the primary membership of the party for three years. After that, the Nepali Congress dropped Deuba from the party list while registering itself with the Election Commission in advance of November’s election.
“I made all kinds of efforts to unite the party until the last minute, but Girijababu and his supporters did not reciprocate,” Prime Minister Deuba said in an address to the hastily convened Nepali Congress general assembly meeting in Kathmandu this week. “Girijababu seemed to be in no mood to listen to my kind request.”
Whatever the circumstances behind the party’s split, a weakening of the Nepali Congress will play into the hands of radical forces, which are neither democratic nor nationalistic. When the situation is so apparent, why did internal forces fail to unite the party?
Moreover, on whose back does Koirala think he can led the party in the general elections? Can Koirala muster the energy and motivation needed during the election campaign? As most of the young generation leaders are with Deuba, Koirala is surrounded by cousin Sushil Koirala, Joshi, KC, Bastola and Sujata. “I never imagined that Girijababu could have taken such an extreme position. He must have been compelled to do so by others,” said a political analyst. “As far as I know, Girijababu is a compromising politician who always upholds the spirit of reconciliation.”
Through his recent actions, however, Koirala has failed to demonstrate traces of compromise and reconciliation. Now he has to go into the election without leaders like Deuba and Khadka. “How Koirala could have taken such a suicidal decision is difficult to comprehend,” the analyst said.
B.P. Koirala could take the harsh decision in 1956 of expelling his elder brother, Matrika Prasad, from the Congress because he was young and dynamic at that time. In the last two elections, Girija Prasad Koirala addressed meetings in almost all constituencies with a pledge to bring the Congress back in power.
At a time when leaders of the main opposition party are sincerely urging Nepali Congress leaders not to divide the party, what prompted Sushil Koirala, Joshi, KC, Khadka, Gachhedar and Gupta to veer toward opposite extremes?
“If two leaders meet one-to-one and discuss their differences, they can be sorted out. Since the two leaders are in no position to walk away from their captors, the vertical split of the party is inevitable,” said an analyst. It seems that everybody wants to prevent one-to-one meeting between Koirala and Deuba. “How can we talk with those undisciplined lot of politicians. There is no question of compromise with them and the party will take action against those who sided with Prime Minister Deuba,” said Sushil Koirala, general secretary of the Nepali Congress. “We don’t need any kind of mediation. The so-called mediators are no more than followers of Deuba.”
There is no dearth of extremists on Deuba’s side, either. “As long as Girijababu fails to take action against the small coterie that has misguided the party, we can not foresee any compromise. If Girijababu does not take any action against them, we will be compelled to remove Girijababu through a vote of no-confidence,” said Gachhedar, whom Koirala once regarded as the party’s pillar in the eastern terai. “There can be no question of compromise unless Girijababu takes necessary action to accommodate all party members. “At a time when Koirala is surrounded either by lawyers or people who do not have any history in the party and stake, they cannot be expected to recommend Koirala to take political stand. “I don’t understand who is pushing Koirala to take such a drastic decision. He is surrounded by those who cannot win elections. How can they campaign for others?” said an analyst.
In election time, no one casts vote talking about morality and modality. What is required is maneuvering, power, personality and popular leaders. There are many people in Koirala’s camp, including Nona Koirala, Prakash Koirala and Sushil Koirala and Sujata Koirala, who have made sacrifices for democracy. “How many people will win under the guidance of any other leader but Koirala?” asks the analyst.
“This is self-destruction. At the age of 79, how many places can Koirala travel to? How many meetings can he address? Those who want to start politics now cannot see a future in a party that does not have leaders with mass appeal.”
Deuba has a solid reason to contest the elections, as his decision to impose the state of emergency is popular among the masses. On what basis would Koirala’s colleagues seek the people’s mandate? Politicians require commitment and strong personality to lure voters.
“The Congress led by Deuba has money, muscle and personalities, whereas the Koirala Congress has very little to boast of,” said a political analyst. “Leadership is a quality Girijababu built through long sacrifice over a long period of time. Deuba acquired it through apprenticeship with Koirala and Bhattarai. How many people will listen to Sushil Koirala and how many votes can he bring?”
History of Factionalism
The Nepali Congress of today the product of the merger of various political parties on October 31, 1946, in Benaras, according Parmanand, in his book “Nepali Congress Since Its Inception”. Devi Prasad Sapkota was its president. The party elected Bal Chandra Sharma as vice-president. Krishna Prasad Upadhyaya and Gopal Prasad Upadhyaya were made general secretary and propaganda secretary respectively.
The first conference of party held in 1947 elected Tanka Prasad Acharya as its president and B.P. Koirala as its acting president. In 1947, the party split when Dr. Dilli Raman Regmi refused to vacate the post of acting president. In 1948, the Nepal Congress merged with Nepal Democratic Congress led by Subarna Sumsher Rana, Surya Prasad Upadhyaya and Mahendra Vikram Shaha. After both parties merged to form the Nepali Congress on April 9, 1950 in Calcutta, Matrika Prasad Koirala was a first president.
Following the appointment of Matrika Prasad Koirala as prime minister in 1954, the party split after BP Koirala expelled his elder brother. They united in 1961. On November 13, 1961, the main opposition party of dissolved parliament, Gorkha Parishad, formally merged with the Nepali Congress. In 1968, the party once again found itself on the verge of a split over the statement of acting president Subarna Sumsher Rana, but it was averted.
In the political processes of many democracies, splits and mergers have been a fact of life. Struggle and adversity can produce maturity in politicians, something the country desperately needs. To find out how the latest crisis would affect their political fortunes, the Nepalese people have no choice but to wait with patience and vigilance.