It will be a pity if the seven party alliance leaders, good at agitation, turn out once again to be poor managers of peace

Murari Raj Sharma

Winston Churchill, a very successful wartime prime minister of the United Kingdom, fell from his pedestal as soon as World War II ended. His great oratory that prepared the Britons for many sacrifices during the war was not enough to manage a broken state limping back from the ashes of the war.

The United States has learned the hard way in Iraq that while changing a regime could be a cakewalk, building a nation is not. The lesson of these experiences is two-fold: One, winning war is easier than winning peace. Two, great wartime leaders could be poor peacetime managers.

As the seven-party alliance (SPA) in Nepal tries to bring the country back from the brink of civil war, its leaders face the challenge of transforming themselves from perennial agitators to accomplished managers. Unfortunately, our political leaders have been better in fomenting protests against the state than managing the state. They successfully led the first people’s movement that brought down the decaying Panchayat system in 1990 and ushered in the multiparty system of democracy. Thereafter, they used their skills to bring down elected governments they did not like. And recently, they dislodged the autocratic royal regime.

“The Seven Party Alliance must insist that the Maoists substantially disarm and totally demobilize their fighters and militias before the elections. The government should be prepared for any eventuality, for the rebels can use the dialogue as a tactical ruse to advance their innate agenda, as they have done in the past.”
In the post-1990 period, our political elites proved themselves to be a bunch of incompetent managers, often susceptible to venality. Engrossed in holding on to power, micro-managing the administration and enriching themselves, these leaders lost sight of the larger picture. As a result, they lost public confidence quickly and paved the way for the regressive palace to dissolve Parliament and ditch them by the wayside in 2002.

Thanks to the royal regime’s broken promises and draconian repression, the citizenry has, through a massive movement, handed back the country’s reins to the political parties. The new democracy is fragile and under mortal threat from the extreme left and right. At this stage, democratic leaders need to keep their vow not to repeat the past mistakes and to avoid making new ones that can jeopardize the new found freedom from repression.

Counter-revolution starts on the day a revolution succeeds, and it has already begun in Nepal on two fronts. The Maoists tried to incite people to continue their agitation soon after the parliament was restored under the SPA six-point road map; their abductions and extortions continue despite their three-month ceasefire; and Maoist chairman, Prachanda, has refused to disarm his fighters until after a new constitution is drawn up by a constituent assembly. On the other hand, the monarchy has already mobilized its supporters to lobby the international community to save itself, and it would be naïve to assume that the palace will quietly wait for the assembly to decide its fate.

SPA has the obligation to grapple with these twin threats to democracy, and it must consolidate its power to be able to do that. The following six short-term measures will help consolidate SPA’s hold on the state, and should be urgently undertaken. First, develop a modus operandi to quietly sort out differences within SPA and maintain strong unity. The recent public brawl over ministerial portfolios has undermined the authority of the alliance and emboldened its opponents. All differences within SPA should be resolved through quiet negotiations.

Secondly, make the civilian, police and military bureaucracies loyal to the people and accountable to their representatives. Loyalty takes time and a well-calibrated system of reward and punishment to build. SPA should start this long-term process by reinstating the officials removed by the royal regime for their democratic leanings and by removing the tainted senior bureaucratic leaders, complicit in imposing and sustaining the repressive royal rule. Particularly, weaning the military away from the palace and bringing it firmly under the democratic government should receive the topmost priority. Key to this will be for the government to appoint a full time defense minister, bring the military management– recruitment, transfer, promotion, etc. – under its full control, and introduce a security sector reform program to reorient and professionalize the army. Parliament, too, should set up an active oversight mechanism on defense matters.

Thirdly, scrap the royal regime’s all constitutional and political appointments as a matter of policy. These appointments are ab initio unconstitutional, made without observing the due process of law and without respecting the constitutionals checks and balances. The royal regime had selected the appointees on the basis of their loyalty to it. Among them, ambassadors who defended autocracy and repression one day and supported democracy and freedom next day have lost credibility and trust with their host countries and institutions. Those appointed before February 1, 2005 and found working as active instruments of autocracy should also be dismissed.

Fourthly, break the culture of impunity. The SPA government’s decision to appoint a high-level commission to investigate into the human rights violations by government officials during the peaceful protests is welcome but what matters more is to bring the culprits to justice in order to deter them from supporting the revanchist palace or insurgent Maoists without the fear of consequences and to begin the process of healing for the loss of more than 20 lives and injuries of several thousands in peaceful protests in the hands of the royal regime. Those officials would have been more careful this time had the Mallik Commission Report been implemented earlier.

Fifthly, remove the legal obstacles to the implementation of the SPA’s six-point road map before the steam of the people’s movement runs out. No one should underestimate the monarchists’ intention to challenge SPA decisions in court. If the government loses the case, it will have to either insist that it does not care for the rule of law or abandon its decision. To prevent this ugly choice, Parliament should either amend the present constitution and remove the obstacles or convert it into an interim constitution that will not stifle the formulation of a new law of land. All those laws created or amended by royal decrees should be rescinded as well.

Finally, start dialogue with the Maoists without letting the guards down. As the government has removed the terrorist tags from the Maoists and they have declared three-month ceasefire, peace talks should begin right away. Any further concession to the rebels should be linked to the progress in negotiation. To make Constituent Assembly elections free of fear and intimidation, SPA must insist that the Maoists substantially disarm and totally demobilize their fighters and militias before the elections. The government should be prepared for any eventuality, for the rebels can use the dialogue as a tactical ruse to advance their innate agenda, as they have done in the past. It will be a pity if SPA leaders, good at agitation, turn out once again to be poor managers of peace. The United Kingdom’s democracy was safe when Churchill lost the post-war election. It is doubtful if Nepal will remain a democracy if SPA leaders fail to deliver this time.

Sharma is a former ambassador of Nepal to the United Nations. He wrote this article before the government’s decision to recall ambassadors to 12 different countries became public. Please send your comments to [email protected] or [email protected]

(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])