By Bikram Singh Basnyat
Response:
Opportunity :
Nepal has an opportunity for the monarchy to emerge as the “Saviour” for a “new generation of reforms” and to get the people out of the current crisis. In effect, championing should be for a “new Nepal” and should be seen in the form of the King leading the “revolution”. The status-quo situation cannot continue. Reform should be the means to promote human security and development but also neutralise the existing conflict by taking over the issues.
The new generation of reforms should address the institutional gaps in the governance and security system to initiate a local people’s response to over the crisis and also reform of policies and practices that have come to light during the conflict. Response should be organised to counter all areas forming the Maoist movement and also addressing other gaps that are of concern to the Nepali people. Response should be oriented towards establishing polycentric approaches to human security, human rights and human development.
Initiation of reform should not await negotiation with one or the other political party or movement. It should be introduced with the right institutional arrangements to make reform happen.
Political and Institutional Response:
National:
The strength of the monarchy and democracy can be in the strong foundations of a multi party system of national government, decentralised system of local governments (for governance and security at levels of villages and towns), national security arrangement and strong civil society.
Political parties and leaders should be given important space to maintain their active engagement in the reform process. In the present Nepali context, this can be done through the formation of a national unity government. Such a government should take the form of a People’s Government and should consist of leaders and experts known for honesty, professionalism and results. They must be strong leaders, who can represent views of different political parties but at the same time be capable to take lead with difficult decisions of change. Given the current situation in Nepal, the national unity government should have experts who can deal with human security and development. Thus, it must be a mix of politicians, security experts and development professionals.
Another platform for political discourse and contribution can be a national people’s representative council, consisting for example of all those who have been elected as Members of Parliament. Such a representative council can be led by a leader selected by the representatives or the Speaker of the dissolved parliament. Besides space for political leaders, it may be strategic to bring those loyal to national security, for example former generals who have earned public respect, into the political mainstream. Using the example of Thailand, it might be politically strategic to initiative new political movements consisting of loyal security personnel, for example those who retire from active service.
In case it is not possible for the Cabinet of Ministers, then a powerful human security and development council may have to be formed. The council should be the “political and administrative arm” of the security forces but from a civil and development perspective. It should be positioned to make and implement key decisions related to national security. To make national security and development most effective, the Council should guide the work of the government. The council should deal with human security, human rights and human development of the Nepali while at the same time countering the Maoists in all their fronts. This, however, must be based on “high level secret and confidentiality”. The external face of such a council can be in the form an international organisation led programme on “human security and development in Nepal”.
To mobilise international and national leaders and also to champion a “new wave of reforms”, including all those raised by the Maoists, a Commission can be formed. The Commission can take the form of the Human Security and Human Development Commission. It should consist of international experts, who have the ears of the US Congress, European Commission, Indian and Chinese leadership and other important international organisations. National experts should represent intellectual views of the different and key political parties or interest groups. Such a commission can be supported by a international organisation programme. This may be the forum for the international community to involve the Maoists and political parties in the process of dialogue for a “new Nepal”.
The proposal for the next generation or new wave of reforms should then be translated into concrete guidelines for delivery of results by each Minister or government authority. In other words, appointment of ministers should be accompanied with set of targets they need to achieve in the form of guidelines. Each ministry should go through the process of rapid re-profiling of functions, structures and processes. It should be oriented towards enhancing national security and at the same time providing support to decentralised district authorities for human security, human rights and human development. Major policy reforms will be required and practices will have to be put in place that will make the people realise that they are having a new beginning.
The civil and development services of the government should be gradually replaced or changed. The current civil service is highly penetrated by political forces and may even be the biggest barrier to development as it may have become the main source for illegal income and corruption, which can be very dangerous for both the monarchy and democracy in Nepal. The entire structure, functions, culture and competencies is in need of re-profiling. Recruitment of national versus local services may need special focus. The current concept of permanent employment irrespective of performance, loyalty and commitment must change. The status, both social and economic of government employment needs review. Refer to human resource management in the UN systems for an example. In order to transform the civil and development administration and to bring about change, the example of UNDP assistance in Georgia and Serbia/Montenegro through Capacity Building Funds should be studied.
District:
Implementation of human security, human rights and human development must be focused and decentralised at the district level. Disguised forms of central control and governance should now give way to genuine local ownership, local leadership, local management and local administration. This is where the difference can be made for peace, stability, harmony and development.
The current arm of the security forces should be further expanded to cover “administration of security and development functions”. A high level of District Human Security and Development Authority with sweeping decentralised authority should take shape. It should be led by a prominent expert and professional linked to the security forces but with a civilian face. Informally, the head of the Authority should function as the de-facto Governor. The Authority should delineate responsibility for human security and human development with an area-based (territorial) approach and led by area commanders or teams. Preferably, the Authority should consist of two major components – human security and human development. The following support structures may be helpful:
Through the Ministry of Finance, international development community can be invited to create the security and development coordination platform for each district. This may not be difficult since each district has the presence and support of many international and national development organisations. Such a coordination platform, if effective, can form a coalition of international and national organisations for collective action. Such an approach may increase international recognition and support while at the same time, resources with the international development community can be tapped.
The current civil and development administration, while maintaining their identity, can de-facto be subordinated to the Human Security and Development Authority. This in the beginning can be confidential in nature. Each government agency in the district should take their guidelines and instructions from the Authority. All initiative should be oriented to creating best conditions for human security and development. Heads of civil and development administrations can “de-facto” be “deputy governors”.
To provide political legitimacy and strengthen political space for the local leaders, including from different political parties, it may be appropriate to form the “District Security and Development Council”. The Council can consist of elected leaders of the VDCs, Municipalities and DDCs and other prominent political activists. The Council should be the platform for solidarity amongst the political leaders to determine a common approach to establishing local systems of security, governance and development.
The Human Security and Development Authority should mobilise and form, at the core of its functions, powerful network with the leaderships and activists of the local communities in the villages and towns. Through a process of mobilisation, local communities should be organised into viable village and town security and governance organisations. Local community leaders and activists should be empowered and strengthened to take charge of security and development. Accordingly, loyal and committed young cadre, men and women, should be trained and supported to keep their villages and towns secure. The leadership of the local village or town communities can be in the form of “Mayors”. Those trained in security can become the village or town level security force. Thus, members of the community should be actively engaged and contribute towards (1) their own human security and (2) their own human development. Refer to experience in social mobilisation from UNDP projects and in fact, all of these may be done by tapping existing projects and programs but this time under strong leadership and oriented by the Authorities at the district and local community levels.
Just as in the EC Countries, registration system for all residents in the local communities (individuals and families) should be initiated. Change of residence from one community to another should be registered as well. This is an important step towards security and development as well. Whether at the community or district level, there must be pride in the feeling of belonging to a community and the sense of commitment to the development of the community. Such registration system should be introduced nation wide, on a step by step basis and by the district and community authorities. Each community should also initiate the process of forming their own local budget. For purposes of security, public utilities and development, community budget in the form of savings and taxation should be initiated. Through different projects, many communities may already have savings, which can be transformed into community development credit schemes. Taxation in the form of local community contributions for security and development should be introduced. This should not be difficult since such schemes already exist in one form or another through projects or development initiatives.
From the perspective of security, all families who have members in the Maoist movement should be identified. These families will require special care and attention. They should be supported to go through the process of recovery. Such support will also be required for those who leave the Maoist movement and return to the mainstream new Nepal. This can be a separate project of the Human Security and Development Authority by itself. Another alternative is to form “community-based public courts” similar to the one used by communist regimes for public trails. A powerful “tribunal” may also have to be established as part of the security forces at the district level for those who have committed crimes against humanity.
From the perspective of the future, the District Human Security and Development Authority can take the form an elected District Administration (District Government Authority). Similarly, the leadership of the local communities can take the shape of elected village or town authority. Thus, the district level network, the government can form the much needed alliance or coalition of local leaders and activists for local security and governance. Through a district level but village based security and governance system, the Maoist may face the best challenge ever to their plans. (to be continued)