By Bikram Singh Basnyat
Context:
The people of Nepal are increasingly facing human security, human rights and human development threats – political, governance, social, economic, ecological/physical, cultural and financial spheres.
The key actors or interest groups causing or influencing these security and development threats are:
Maoists determined to take power in the name of people and democracy by changing Nepal into a single party communist republic Political leaders from parties which continue to campaign for multi party democracy based on status quo situation of the past decadeGovernment civil and development administration (bureaucracy/apparatus) which might have become the main barrier to accelerated development and which, more or less, will determine the performance of the political leaders who power in government and the IOMSecurity forces that are countering the expansion of Maoist control IOM, which is looked upon by the people for unity, peace, human security, human rights and development.
The institutional arrangements of the political governance and security system never reached the people in villages and towns. Village Development Committees (VDC), Municipalities and District Development Committees (DDC) were formed to increase political participation for local development. Involvement of the people themselves in the governance, development and administration of their own villages and towns was institutionally not part of the national or local governance, security and development agenda. The civil, security and development administration formed by the central government did not do justice to the image of the monarchy and constitutional democracy due to their being external and thrived through corrupt practices. Thus, there always was a significant gap between the government and the people. Numerous research done in Nepal show the local communities in Nepal thrived by crafting their local institutions, governance and security system – however, the competition caused by different government agencies, which had access to resources, might have even damaged much of these local institutions.
Development projects highlighted the enormous problems of a feudal-oriented class-based and divided society that did not create the right environment for an inclusive oriented development of all members of society. Difficulties of promoting development in conditions of low human development, difficult physical terrain, divided social fabric with prevalence of divisions by caste or ethnic lines were proven numerous times. Donor funded projects demonstrated how class-based and divided social fabric of society can be overcome, how effective local governance can be promoted, how participatory development can be promoted, how local resources can be generated, how local economic empowerment can be enhanced and how human rights and security can be respected. However, the government – political and administration leadership did not demonstrate commitment through actions and showed incompetence in using such successful examples for the development of the Nepali people. In many respects, actions of the past five decades show the government may have become the key barrier to human security, human rights and human development in Nepal.
By ending the terms of the local elected authorities without holding new elections, the then Sher Bahadur Deuba government practically started the process of closing the political space which was available to hundreds of political leaders and activists from the multi party camp. This was followed by the dissolution of the national Parliament, ending yet another space for national level political leaders and parties. These decisions were very short-sighted, may have further widened the gap for locally owned and respected political participation and increased the levels of frustration amongst the political elite/leaders/activists. It may have widened the gap between the monarchy and the political leaders/parties as well. The decision created the best conditions for further expansion of and may have very much supported the Maoist movement.
Since the beginning of multi party democracy in Nepal, opposing political parties have used the methods of “bandhs” (strikes) to demonstrate support by the people for their cause or influence political and governmental decisions. Violence and fear are the means used to impose compliance with “bandhs”. The negative impact of these bandhs on the Nepali economy is known and obvious. After over a decade, there is a significant psychological impact through which businesses, development organizations, civil society and people automatically respond to “bandhs”. The Maoists are now making use of this psychological environment. If this continues, Maoists may be in the position of imposing their administration on the people in direct competition with the government or they may psychologically make the government redundant through compliance they are able to obtain from the people (though this may not be what the people want).
The Maoist movement seems to have gained strength, more rapidly in the past 3 – 4 years, indicating it as an alternate political force and system. They raise very critical human development, governance and security issues facing the Nepali society. Unfortunately, they are engaged in violent armed struggle to bring about a Maoist style revolution to take power. Results from Maoist actions show their aspiration for a one party dictatorship that acts on behalf of the people to impose Marxist, Leninist and Maoist institutional arrangements. World experience shows how brutal this can be, how much it is against democracy and freedom and how much it is against normal human tendencies for a free market economy.
The Maoist movement seems to be well organized in an environment where there is practically no organized counter. The strategy and methods used seem to be well defined in the Leninist, Maoist and other doctrines of making revolutions. In some respects, the path led by Prithvi Narayan and Bahadur Shah may be in use as well. Organizationally they seem to be advancing on the following fronts – (1) armed forces that tackle the government’s security forces and causes psychological subordination of the people through fear, (2) political and administration that is establishing their governance and administration in districts or areas of their influence, (3) judicial administration through establishment of courts which hand down sentences that also cause fear and subordination, (4) education and propaganda through their control of schools, public meetings and other events, (5) economic administration through control over land titles and formation of agriculture cooperatives, taxation of business and income of people and others. Most important seems to be the “mobilisation, abduction or tapping” of human resources that are either loyal or compliant to their cause. All of these seem to be more powerful than a much less coordinated and organised government.
Directly or indirectly, knowingly or not knowingly, the business community, development projects, government employees and civil society at large may be funding the Maoist movement (whether this may be in the form of forced extraction). Most middle class or higher income level families, especially in districts with Maoist activities, may have become Maoist sources. Even though the young may have migrated, the Maoists may be accessing this income through a system of fines or sanctions imposed on the elders they have left behind. Most senior level government officials at national and local levels may have also become sources tapped by Maoists in exchange for security of themselves and families. Given the high level of corrupt practices involving government, civil society and business resources, government officials may be quite a significant source tapped by the Maoists. In many respects, the Maoists demonstrate the extent to which local resources can be tapped in the form of different taxes, something the government has always failed to do.
The Maoists categorically seem to have weakened the presence of political parties, government administration, development projects, non-government and civil society organisations in areas where they are active. Execution and repression of multi party political activists has led to their going under-ground, migrating or becoming non-active in Maoist controlled areas. Development projects, non-government organisations, private businesses and civil society are subjected to registration, permission and taxes. The government administration is primarily present in the district headquarters, with high level of penetration by Maoist cadres. By weakening the position of the others while using them as sources of finance, the Maoist seem not have any counter to their advancement. Sub-ordination or weakening of alternative institutional options or forces seems to be succeeding (though this is more because of fear and intimidation). In areas where counter response from political parties and government administration is weak, Maoists seems to be setting their administration, justice system, finance/budget and security arrangements.
Political parties seem to be more active in the urban centres and Kathmandu. They seem to be losing their cadres, who may be having difficulties or suffering from Maoist suppression and, hence, their presence at the local level. The democratic institutional foundations of most political parties cause internal instability and disturbances. The political parties are, however, a strong network of local and national leaders for a democratic future. At present, different weaknesses related to institutional arrangements of political parties has not created the best conditions for them to address critical needs of the Nepali society. In this context, the political parties and their leaders seem to be engaged more with the monarchy than in strengthening the response of their cadres against the Maoists. Thus, the counter response to the Maoists which could be from the political parties and their networks seems to be weak even though they could become one of the most powerful forces to bring about peace, stability and harmony.
Since the establishment of the multi party system of governance, not all have been well between the political parties and the monarchy. Not all may have been done to strengthen each other and though not directly, much may have happened to weaken each others’ position. Weakness in the democratic practices of political parties, weaknesses in accountable-governance practices and instability of elected parliaments further aggravated the situation. It seems the monarchy and political parties were learning to co-exist in the distribution of power and authority of the state. Additionally, political leaders, shaping parliamentary democracy and governance, did not determine their roadmap or targets for the development of the Nepali people.
The government and security forces are also engaged and probably pose the best counter to the Maoists. The counter may however be only to the armed forces of the Maoists. The government security forces have families and kilns in the rural areas, where Maoist administration is expanding. Once confident of control or sub-ordination, whether by direct influence, causing disarray or frustration, over government administration, political parties, businesses, development projects, non-government and civil society, Maoists may attempt to break the will of the government security forces through threats and fear to their families and kilns. If this happens, the Maoist may pose significant threat to political power with the monarchy.
If the current status quo continues, further expansion of the Maoist is only likely. Maoists must have influenced the hearts and minds of the oppressed, exploited and in extreme poverty through their actions for social justice, distribution of wealth and punishment schemes. People wanting alternatives for political, social and economic justice may be inclined towards Maoist thoughts. It also seems the tactics of violence, fear and intimidation may be working but may also be their weakest point. Their orientation towards a communist dictatorship, with total ownership and control over social and economic wealth can be disastrous. Possible victory by the Maoists, in the geographical context of Nepal, can only mean more bloodshed of the so-called middle and upper class, possibilities of multi-ethnic tensions, militarisation to tackle international difficulties and sanctions and eventual collapse of the Nepali state.
Nepal is in conflict, which seems to be national as well as local in orientation. At the national level, the conflict seems to be about political power. At the local level, the conflict is over the hearts and minds of the people and eventual control over territorial administration. At the core are issues related to political space and power to overcome difficulties of social exploitation, human rights, poverty and human development – all at the heart of security and development. It is unfortunate the conflict has taken the form of violence and armed struggle causing death and harm – this is bad; however, the conflict itself gives an opportunity for identification of critical issues and introduction of fundamental reforms. Thus, the present conflict in Nepal, despite the death and damage, should be transformed into a “new wave of political, institutional, social, economic and other reforms” for the benefit of Nepal. (to be continued)