His Majesty King Gyanendra (File photo)
His Majesty King Gyanendra reached Pokhara on Friday for a three-week long unofficial visit of the western region.
Her Majesty Queen Komal had already reached Pokhara on Wednesday.
His Majesty the King will receive information about the security situation and status of service delivery in the region.
Their Majesties are staying at Ratna Mandir Palace in Pokhara.
Their Majesties are schedule to Myagdhi and Palpa districts during the visit.
The Maoists had launched massive attack and destroyed various historical monuments in Palpa on January 31.
Their Majesties are scheduled to return back to Kathmandu for three days on the occasion of Shivaratri, an important Hindu festival.
Their Majesties made a three-week long unofficial visit to the Eastern Development Region earlier on January this year and received information about the security situation and status of service delivery in the region. Their Majesties also listened the grievances of local people on the occasion.
The state-owned Nepal Telecom (NT) has said that it is all set to begin the construction of a 100m high 30-storied multi-complex, which would be the tallest in South Asia, reports said.
The plan was prepared a year ago but construction has not begun due to delay of approval from the government. Reports said the government has now agreed on principle.
The NT has created a nine-member coordination committee including representatives from Kathmandu Metropolitan City, Lalitpur Sub-metropolitan City and the Department of Urban Development and Building Construction (DUDBC) for the construction.
NT plans to hire international construction companies to carryout the works, which would probably in Jawalakhel or Baber Mahal area, reports said. The complex would have office space of 500,000 sq. ft with an estimated cost of over Rs 2 billion.
The proposed complex would accommodate all NT offices which is now spread in many locations in Kathmandu valley.
A 28-storied building in Mumbai is the tallest building in the South Asian region.
Intellectuals have demanded the formation of strong law that can help in eradicating untouchability in the society.
At an interaction programme organised by Lawyers’ Campaign Against Untouchability (LANCAU) on Thursday, participants were of the view that existing feeble laws have not been effective to deliver justice to the dalit community.
Former Member of Parliament (MP) Man Bahadur Biswakarma said that the state has to be more responsible for ending discrimination and untouchability in the society. He claimed that the new laws should provide room to fine the oppressors. He also mentioned filing cases against such discriminations is difficult.
Former MP Rishi Babu Pariyar said that some of the incidences of oppression against dalits are so unnatural that they cannot be made public.
Chairman of LANCAU Ratna Bahadur Bagchand said discrimination and untouchability could not end unless laws provide strong action against oppressors.
Member of National Dalit Commission Dinesh Achhami said that the commission has not been empowered to work in this direction.
Untouchability has been a serious problem in the rural parts of the country. Despite big investment by foreign donors and activities of Nepalis NGOs to end untouchability, social dogma and religious affinity of the Nepali society have made it difficult. The census of 2001 states the population of dalits at over 4 million.
The Royal Nepalese Army (RNA) has said it has the policy of not sending any of its personnel involved in human rights violations to the United Nations or other international missions.
Talking to Nepalnews on Friday, chief of the legal department of the RNA, Brigadier General B A Kumar Sharma said the RNA has already adopted the policy of not sending its personnel found guilty of human rights violations to the UN peacekeeping missions or any other missions abroad.
Commenting on the latest report of the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in Nepal, Sharma said that the RNA has already apprised the OHCHR about the provision. He expressed surprise over the statement but said, “We will take it as their suggestion.”
Making public its report on Thursday, the OHCHR in Nepal called upon the Nepali authorities to hold accountable what it called perpetrators of human rights violations within the security forces and exclude them from participating in the United Nations peacekeeping operations.
Nepali rights groups as well as the Amnesty International had recently demanded that the UN prohibit soliciting Royal Nepalese Army (RNA) personnel in its peacekeeping operations in view of what they called gross human rights violations by RNA.
RNA brass refute such allegations and say they have attached great importance to respect human rights provisions and those found guilty of rights violations have been punished.
According to RNA, 106 army personnel have faced two months to seven years of imprisonment, 59 have been suspended, 42 demoted, 19 faced postponement of grades and 24 faced postponement of promotion for violating human rights following the mobilization of security forces against the Maoist rebels in November 2001.
Likewise, seven army men received warnings, seven were asked to provide compensation to the victims and over one hundred others faced various actions for violating human rights.
“RNA is committed to uphold human rights norms in all its operations,” said Brigadier General Sharma.
Participation in the UN peacekeeping missions has been a matter of great pride and a source of substantial revenue for the RNA.
RNA has been taking part in the peacekeeping missions in different countries under the auspices of the United Nations since 1958—the year UN Peace Support Operations deployed military observers in the Middle-East.
At present, the Royal Nepalese Army personnel are deployed across 12 missions around the world, namely Congo, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Ivory Coast, Burundi, Kosovo, Lebanon-Israel, Ethiopia- Eritrea, Haiti, Sudan, and East Timor.
In addition, RNA has sent an officer to the UN HQ Mission Planning Cell and one liaison officer to the Iraq Liaison Office, Tampa Bay, Florida. Maj Gen Balananda Sharma of the RNA is currently serving as the Force Commander at the UNDOF HQ.
Among the 102 troop contributing countries, the top four contributors are from the South Asian Region and Nepal ranks fourth with a total contribution of 3451 UNMOs, CIVPOLs and Peacekeeping Troops.
According to RNA, 49 RNA personnel have sacrificed their lives in the line of duty and 49 RNA personnel have been disabled while taking part in the UN peacekeeping missions.
Assistant regional administrator of the eastern development region, Prem Prakash Sharma Sapkota, has died in the Maoists’ captivity in eastern Nepal on Friday, reports said quoting sources close to the Maoists.
Prem Prakash Sharma
Prem Prakash Sharma (File Photo)
Reports said Sapkota died at Rajarani area of Dhankuta district this morning. Officials said they did not have details.
A local Maoist leader called up human rights activists and media personnel in the region this afternoon and informed them about the death of Sapkota. He said Sapkota was suffering from asthma, sugar and high blood pressure and was found dead where he was kept into captivity at a remote village.
Maoists had abducted 15 government employees and security personnel after attacking the headquarters of eastern district of Dhankuta on February 7—on the eve of the municipal polls. They released eleven persons after five days but continued to keep Sapkota and three police personnel under their custody for “further investigation.”
Reports said 57-year-old Sapkota from Pokhara had been taken seriously ill after he had run out of his medicines. The rebels refused to release him on “humanitarian grounds” despite repeated calls for his release by his family members and rights groups.
Informal Sector Service Center (INSEC)—a Kathmandu-based rights group—said Friday that the Maoists must take responsibility for the death of Sapkota under their captivity. The group has also called on the rebels to free three policemen still under Maoist custody.
The rebels had earlier alleged Sapkota of conspiring into alleged killings of their cadres. A former chief district officer, Sapkota had been sent to Dhankuta to take up the job of assistant regional administrator some eight months ago.
Nine days after the municipal polls, the state-owned monopoly, Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC), has increased prices of petroleum (POL) products with immediate effect from Friday.
According to the NOC, the price of diesel has been fixed at Rs 55 per liter—a hike of Rs 7, price of kerosene has been fixed at 46 per liter—a hike of Rs 6 while retail price of petrol has gone up by one rupee per liter.
NOC officials said they had raised the petroleum prices to adjust the domestic price with that in the international market. Spokesman of the NOC, Sushil Bhattarai, said NOC would still be incurring a loss of Rs 300 per month even after latest price hike—down from Rs 570 million loss per month earlier.
According to reports, the NOC had sought permission to hike prices of POL products for the last few months but had been asked by the government to wait until municipal polls are over.
In August last year, the government had increased retail prices of petroleum products (POL) sparking widespread protests for several days by student activists affiliated to the opposition parties. The price of petrol had been fixed at Rs 67 per liter, that of diesel at Rs 46 per liter, kerosene at Rs 39 per liter and aviation fuel at Rs 53. No changes had been made in the price of LPG gas.
Maoists have released three employees of Surya Nepal Private Limited-a leading Nepal-India joint venture on Friday evening.
Those released are manufacturing manager Prabhakar Bikram Shah, production manager Sarbajit Rana and commercial manager Damabarmani Limbu.
Talking to Nepalnews, Satrughan Shrestha, chairman of Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ) Parsa, informed that Maoists released them from east of Hetauda Industrial District at around 9.30 p.m. on Friday.
He informed that they handed over the employees to journalists and some rights activists.
He further said that their health condition is sound.
Maoists abducted them from the southern district of Bara on February 3.
Maoists released them on the day assistant regional administrator of the eastern development region, Prem Prakash Sharma Sapkota, died in their captivity.
Formerly known as Surya Tobacco Company (P) Ltd, Surya Nepal is the largest private sector company in the country. Its promoters include ITC of India and the Rana group led by Siddhartha SJB Rana.
Defending Champion Nabil Three Star Club (NTSC) bounced back from a goal down to lock horns with arch rival Mahendra Police Club (MPC), sending the latter out of the title in the ANFA Martyrs’ Memorial San Miguel “A” Division League Football Tournament played at Dasrath Stadium, Kathmandu, on Friday.
The 1-1 draw was a moment to cherish for not only Patan side but also to Club president Lalit Krishna Shrestha, team sponsors’ CEO Anil Shah and to all more than 10,000 crowd that continuously supported “Men in Blue”.
When the cops were prematurely celebrating the 1-0 lead, Surendra Tamang scored a sensational equalizer late in the 86th minute, which proved that he still got some explosive dynamite on his boots. Latching the ball from a sleeping defense line, Tamang bamboozled MPC goalie Ritesh Thapa bringing his team ecstasy.
The bitter draw for MPC was all about 17 wins, 9 draws and one loss that accumulated 60 points, two less than two leaders, who still have one match to play. The win would have given the cops a sweet chance to sketch new history but everything went wrong with Surendra Tamang’s bombshell goal.
The draw for NTSC grabbed a lifeline to eye for the crown for the successive year. NTSC stayed at second position with same 62 points with MMC but the latter topped the tally for superior goal difference.
Defensive game costs cops
Few attempts in the early minutes by NTSC didn’t shake the MPC’s net with some superb saves from goalie Ritesh Thapa, who played with his fractured index finger. Had not Surendra Tamang, Santosh Shahukhala wasted superb chances in the early minutes, NTSC would not have to work hard to get the draw.
The story began to change from offensive to defensive when rookie Jumanu Rai converted a goal, thanks to a silly mistake by Pradeep Maharjan and Santosh KC in the 25th minute. Jumanu Rai grabbed the released ball from Sanotsh KC before dodging veteran goalie Upendra Man Singh. Then, one could see the cops playing defensive game with all 10 players coming back to guard the post. “Defensive game cost us,” MPC coach Yogambar Suwal told reporters.
Injury, suspension made the work beefy!
Caretaker coach Kumar Katuwal was handling the team after regular coach Mrigendra Mishra could not attend due to his mother’s death. Katuwal opted to field Santosh KC in place of suspended Anjan KC assuming he could cross the flank from the right side. But, he got a jolt in the early minutes when stubborn Pralaya Rajbhandari had to leave ground due to knee-injury. Then Katuwal sent mid fielder Prabesh Katuwal who performed superbly throughout the match. Later, Katuwal even had to opt for Uzan Shrestha in the place of Santosh KC. “All these things made our work beefy,” NTSC caretaker coach Kumar Katuwal told reporters.
Earlier, Sankata and Boudha were involved in a drama that conceded 10 goals including seven of Sankata and three of Boudha. Raj Kumar Ghising scored four goals while Ekjun Tuladhar, Rojit KC and Salyan Khadki scored apiece to extend the tally. The very young Buddha Lama scored two consolation goals for Boudha while Milan Tamang tasted his last “A” Division goal.
By DR. AB THAPA
The Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) has already started load shedding. Now we are having daily interruption of power supply in rotation starting from early morning to late evening hours. The duration of the daily power supply cut is about 2.6 hours. The nature of the load shedding indicates that the NEA is now experiencing shortage of capacity (KW) as well as energy (KWh).
The power shortage crisis is going to deepen in the years to come because the demand for electricity in our national grid with a total firm capacity of about 500 MW is expected to grow steadily at an annual rate of at least about 5 to 7 percent. Except for the 70 MW Middle Marshyangdi Project, other major new power projects are nowhere near which would have come into operation within the next 5 to 7 years. Thus we are now being dragged into a whirlpool of deep power shortage crisis due to our shortsighted planning. However, there might still be a way to soften the impact of this power shortage crisis if we launched a programme on war footing to utilize the full potential of the existing Kulekhani storage reservoir and hydropower stations ( Kulekhani 1 & 2 hydropower) to generate extra power by diverting from Kathmandu valley the surplus flow of the Bagmati river and later on the Melamchi river into the Kulekhani reservoir. The design of the proposed Kulekhani 3 Hydropower should also be reviewed and perhaps its capacity might have to be raised to about 150 MW to meet the steadily growing peak load demand if it is decided to divert the Bagmati water into the Kulekhani reservoir. .
The Kulekhani Reservoir and Power Stations
It is reported almost every year in local newspapers that the electricity generation of the Kulekhani hydropower stations is going to be reduced by a substantial margin because the Kulekhani storage reservoir is half-empty at the end of the monsoon season, with the result that the NEA would be forced to resort to load shedding in the coming dry season. This problem would certainly be solved if the surplus water from the rivers in the Kathmandu valley is pumped into the Kulekhani reservoir to be stored for the supply to the Kulekhani hydropower stations in the dry season.
The Kulekhani reservoir operation rule for the Kulekhani-1 with an installed capacity of 60MW is framed by a basic discharge pattern of 6.2 cum./sec. in the dry season from December to March and 2.1 cum./sec. in the wet season from April to November. The former is designed to generate four-hour peak power using the maximum discharge of 13.1 cum./sec. and 20-hour base load using 4.8 cum./sec. The latter is to utilize 6.55 cum./sec. for the peak power and 1.21 cum./sec. for the base load respectively.
Available water for the Kujlekhani-2 power station with an installed capacity of 32 MW is comprised of the outflow from the Kulekhani-1 and the runoff of the Mandu river. The firm discharge of the latter with 90% dependability at the intake is estimated to be 0.2 cum./sec. both in winter and summer. Thus the maximum Kulekhani-2 discharge is designed to be 13.3 cum./sec.
Diversion from Kathmandu to Kulekhani
The Bagmati river water in surplus to the need in the Kathmandu valley could be diverted into the Kulekhani reservoir from a place near Chobhar gorge. Mean flow of the Bagmati river at Chobhar is quite abundant during the monsoon seasons. Even in the winter months of the dry season starting from December to the end of March when the demand for the electricity in Nepal is very high the average flow of the Bagmati is expected to be over 2 cum./sec. The half empty space of the Kulekhani storage reservoir ( with an effective storage capacity of 73.3 million cubic meters) could be utilized to accommodate about 20 million cubic meters monsoon season flow of the Bagmati river. Thus the Kulekhani hydropower could be provided throughout the 4 winter months additional 4 cum./sec. flow. Out of this total flow, the water drawn directly from the Bagmati would be about 2 cum./sec. and the stored Bagmati water would provide the remaining 2 cum./sec.
The diversion of the surplus Bagnati water from Kathmandu valley to the Kulekhani reservoir could be a very simple and at the same time the most cost effective proposition despite the fact that at first glance it might appear to be a somewhat complicated engineering task. Let us consider that we are going to draw about 4 cum./sec. Bagmati. water from somewhere near Chobar. It is explained hereinafter that the total power generation of the Kulekhani 1& 2 hydropower plants would almost be doubled by investing about US $ 20 million in the construction of the proposed diversion structures including a pumping station.
The Proposed Design
We might have to build a 15 MW pump station at Chobar to lift 4 cum./sec water to a height of about 300 meters which might be equivalent in height to the full supply level (FSL) of the Kulekhani storage reservoir. It is equally possible that instead of one big pump station we might need several small pump stations with a total capacity of about 15 MW if the topography does not allow to provide single stage pumping. A 15 km long waterway might be needed to carry the water into the Kulekhani storage reservoir out of it the length of the tunnel could be about 9 kilometers. The total cost of such diversion could be about US $ 20 million.
The construction of the proposed Bagmati diversion works could be completed within 2 years with one additional year for the initial preparatory works. The NEA might not require external foreign investment. It could mobilize its own resources to finance this project.
After the completion of the proposed Melamchi river diversion into the Kathmandu valley there would be substantial increase in flow of the Bagmati river at Chobar. As a result, the electricity generation of the Kulekhani 1&2 hydropower stations would be further increased.
Rationale Behind the Bagmati Diversion
The proposed Bagmati diversion could be implemented within a very short period to meet the ever growing demand for power in our national grid. The proposed diversion is going to be perhaps the most economic project because we do not need to invest on construction of the reservoir, power stations and transmission lines. We are going to utilize the existing power stations, reservoir and other structures. For pumping surplus monsoon period water from the Bagmati river into the Kulekhani reservoir we can use seasonal energy generated by our run-of-the-river hydropower projects. At present the seasonal energy is almost entirely wasted.
Kulekhani-3 Hydropower
At present the Kulekhani-1&2 hydropower stations are operating at a capacity factor of about 25 percent. After the diversion of the Bagmati into the Kulekhani reservoir the capacity factor of the Kulekhani 1&2 hydropower stations would be increased. So it would be desirable as soon as possible to implement the Kulekhani-3 hydropower also to fulfill the demand for very short duration peaking load. The capacity cost of the 75 MW Kulekhani-3 hydropower would be more than 2 times cheaper than then any other projects such as the Kali-Gandaki-A, Modi, Bhote-Kosi etc. Central location, proximity to existing transmission lines and highways are the added advantages in favour of implementing the Kulekhani-3 hydropower in very near future.
(Thapa specialises on water resources. This article is reproduced here courtesy SPOTLIGHT newsmagazine. Please send your comments to [email protected])
(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])
– By Sunit Bagree
This article is a critique of Preeti Koirala’s ‘The Curfew: Pros and Cons’, which was published by Nepalnews.com on 22 January 2006. In my opinion, Koirala’s piece reflects a breathtaking level of ignorance about Nepali politics and international affairs, as well as concepts such as democracy and human rights.
In her opening paragraph, Koirala’s claims that there has been ‘… much debate on whether the curfew clamped by the government on Jan 20th was actually needed’. Apart from the fact that the royal government imposed a curfew on Kathmandu and several other parts of the country on 16 January 2006, it must be pointed out that, by severely restricting human rights such as freedom of expression, information, association, movement and assembly since the royal coup of 1 February 2005, the royal government has clearly demonstrated its unwillingness to honestly engage in fair and open debate.
Koirala disingenuously uses the example of the riots of 1 September 2004 to defend the curfew, writing: ‘Within a few hours the angry mob of sympathizers of Nepalese being killed in Iraq had metamorphosed itself into a gang of looters, muggers and hooligans’. It is necessary to be clear that the minority who instigated violence on 1 September 2004 (which in turn snowballed into greater violence due to the ensuing chaos) were a mixture of religious extremists, criminals and disaffected youth. In retrospect it is easy to say that a curfew should have been imposed as these violent elements managed to seize the initiative. There are certainly many important questions here regarding the state’s preparation for and response to this incident, none of which Koirala considers.
Instead Koirala terms the demonstration planned by the seven-party alliance for 20 January 2006 as ‘supposedly peaceful’. Her use of the word ‘supposedly’ is extremely odd given that the seven-party alliance has never utilized violence since its inception. Indeed, as the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in Nepal has said, the demonstrations’ organizers had all frequently spoken out against the use of violence, and there was absolutely no justification for their arrest. Koirala’s bias is evident when she describes the seven parties as constituting a ‘frenzied mob’, and (later) ‘hooligans’. When has this ever been the case?
Moreover, it is very difficult to trust the royal government’s suspicions that the Maoists were planning violent activities, as it is solely the state who has demonstrated no interest in conflict resolution in Nepal (unlike the seven parties and Maoists, who commendably arrived at a 12-point ‘understanding’ in November 2005, not to mention the efforts of civil society). It is also worth noting that it would have been ridiculous for the Maoists to resort to violence during the demonstrations, considering the 12-point ‘understanding’, and how much of an effort this shift towards the political mainstream entailed.
The state’s real intentions can be understood by the way it detained activists and leaders from the seven parties and civil society organizations in conditions that are contrary to international law. There is also no justification for the state shutting down Nepal’s mobile phone network, censoring the media (both foreign and national) or dealing with whatever demonstrations took place in such a brutal way. Even the recently feeble National Human Rights Commission stated that the security forces used ‘excessive force’.
A free and fair election in Nepal can only occur if all political parties participate and international monitors are present. And for this to be possible, a certain degree of political stability and widespread perception of a level playing field is essential. Such an election would create true representatives of the citizens of Nepal – representatives who have a monopoly on violence and are accountable to the people.
In contrast the municipal elections were nothing more than a ploy of the royal government to retain power, only now with a veneer of democracy. Thankfully this is widely understood, as is the fact that the security situation in the country, particularly for the most vulnerable, remains dire. In yet again demonstrating its disdain for human rights (and human security), the royal government further isolated itself both nationally and internationally with only a bad joke of a municipal election – average turnout 20% – to show for itself.
The second part of Koirala’s piece focuses on criticizing the response of ‘… one section of the international community…’ for its reaction to the curfew and arrests. She is blind to the fact that virtually the entire world condemned the royal government over these events, including Japan and China. Using the example of police brutality during a workers’ protest in Harayana, she poses the question: ‘Did the Nepal Government issue a statement saying that it ‘was greatly disturbed and concerned by the incident?’’ In a similar vein, Koirala turns to the US abuses in Iraq, asking: ‘Did Nepal ever condemn the atrocities committed by American soldiers in… Iraq?’ The simple answer is that Nepal should have raised its concerns because human rights are universal. It is the duty of every state to promote human rights in other states. A culture of silence will definitely not facilitate a human rights culture. From this basis, it is unsurprising that Koirala goes on to make a number of irrational arguments.
Firstly, Koirala compares the situation in Iraq to the one in Nepal, conveniently ignoring that the former is experiencing an inter-state conflict with multiple indigenous armed actors, and is a country that has a vastly different social, political and economic history to any in South Asia. She is mistaken to say that Sunnis make up the majority population in Iraq (it is Shiites), and to suggest that all Sunnis boycotted the 15 December 2005 election (the main Sunni Arab bloc won 44 out of the 275 seats). Koirala labels Nepal’s seven-party alliance as ‘… a group of Sunni like 7 parties’. Neither the Sunnis nor the Shiites won 95% of the vote in the recent Iraqi election, which is approximately how many of the seats the seven parties in Nepal held in the last parliament. And let us be clear: the seven parties in Nepal are not against elections per se, only ones which are meaningless in terms of promoting democracy.
Secondly, Koirala compares al-Qaeda with the Maoists, and in doing so demonstrates a staggering lack of understanding about either entity. The aims, structure, armed strategies and capacities of the Maoists on the one hand, and al-Qaeda on the other, are vastly different. Koirala is also wrong to suggest that al-Qaeda has not been curtailed; despite a lack of consistently strong intelligence, inadequate levels of special forces and the unnecessary distraction that is the Iraq debacle, the original al-Qaeda network has been severely damaged, illustrated by the arrest of key leaders, the destruction of training camps and the offer of a truce by Osama bin Laden. She also fails to recognize that if the international community were to pay far more attention to ethically tackling the factors that have allowed al-Qaeda to grow, such as poverty, weak governance and conflict (instead of doing too little or even exacerbating these factors) then al-Qaeda could be marginalized to the extent of becoming an irrelevance. Unfortunately, this is far from happening (which actually allows al-Qaeda to endure as a movement in the post-9/11 world), yet the option still exists.
Thirdly, Koirala’s uses the word ‘terrorist’ to describe the Maoists. Whilst both state and non-state groups may employ terrorist tactics when no armed conflict is ongoing, defining an entity as ‘terrorist’ has to be done with the utmost care, as it confers a notion of absolutism. The Maoists do have clear political goals. And their abuses of international humanitarian law are actually war crimes. In addition, Koirala does not acknowledge the fact that the Maoist’s respect for international humanitarian law and international human rights standards, whilst still far from perfect, has significantly improved since September 2005, according to Nepali human rights groups and the OHCHR. At this time, the state poses a greater threat to human security and human rights than the Maoists.
Fourthly, Koirala criticizes those who argue that there is no military solution to the conflict in Nepal. There are two points here. One, no independent defence analyst in the world would claim that a final military victory for either side in Nepal is possible. Whilst the security forces or the Maoists may emerge on top in specific battles, there is nothing in the military sphere that will break the longstanding stalemate and give either side a clear strategic advantage at the macro level. Two, a final military victory in itself never offers any long-term answers, and is highly unlikely to offer any prospects of a real solution to the root causes of violence. Genuine conflict transformation can only occur if there is a just, secure and sustainable peace settlement.
Koirala blames Nepal’s democratically elected Prime Minister for derailing democracy when the royal coup was the greatest attack on democracy Nepal has seen in its recent history. In slavishly following the royal government’s propaganda, Koirala advocates a Nepal that is strikingly Orwellian in nature. Her final folly is to utilize a shockingly Orientalist quote from Laura Bush: “Nobody likes war but democracy is too important especially in that part of the world.” That part of the world? Democracy is equally important in every part of the world.
Whilst elections in themselves never guarantee just and democratic governance, a prerequisite for such a system of governance are elections that are in adherence to international law and international standards. The seven party alliance (supported by the vast majority of civil society in Nepal) were right to boycott the municipal polls. By doing so the seven parties lost nothing and ensured that they did not fall into the trap of legitimizing the royal government.
It is hoped that this article will make Koirala reconsider her present role as an apologist for authoritarian rule.
Sunit Bagree works in the field of international development specializing in conflict and governance. Pleas send your comments to [email protected]. We, hereby, would like to announce that we will not be able to publish more comments on the said article by Preeti Koirala.—Ed.
(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])