Kathmandu: Maoists politics has really become very difficult to understand.

The fact is that the utterances of its leaders now aboveground contradict their own declared avowals. The fact is also that leaders like Dr. Bhattarai, Badal, Mahara, Dev Gurung and Matrika Yadav who at times make whirlwind tours of the districts in their bid to bag favor and sympathies from the common population speak differently which confuse the people who have yet to understand as to what amounted to a constituent assembly and what is the bird called round-table conference. These utterances give an impression that they could become equally flexible if pressed by the other camp and could negotiate any thing under the sun that temporarily benefited their camp. However, they also hint during their fiery speeches that they will not settle for less than installing an altogether “new model” of democracy which they have unfortunately not made it abundantly clear as to how it would look like.

Be that as it may, the Maoists are at the moment on the run to districts in their bid to reach up to as many people and places prior to caging themselves into the talks with the “old regime”.

They talk differently to different people and groups and political parties. They appear close to the UML and are all set to manage a sort of working alliance with the party. The UML naturally becomes happy when it receives the impression that the firebrand communists were with their political paraphernalia. However, this is not in essence. Surfacially the Maoists are with the UML and its programs launched against the monarchy. But in essence they have pointblank rejected the UML theory that advocates the formation of an all-party government at the center.

The UML is also of the impression that the Maoists must be closer to them for both adhere to communist ideologies. However, the Maoists by this time have understood the UML and the kind of communist ideologies they have been practicing of late. The fact is that the UML in the eyes of the Maoists is not at all a communist paraphernalia while the Maoists consider themselves till to-date the torch bearers of the ideologies they adhere to. More so the Maoists understand that if time permitting they enter into the mainstream will mean a direct competition at time of the polls with the UML and the hard fact is that because of the dwindling policies recently acquired by the new UML leadership headed by Madhav Nepal its cadres were slowly but very steadily sneaking into the Maoists camp which is in effect means a disaster for the UML at time of the elections.

This means that both the UML and the Maoists can albeit shakehands with each other but can’t support each other at time of the elections.

Equally true is the fact that the Maoists appear to have sided with the Congress under Girija babu so far as the latter’s confrontation with the King’s October 4 moves are concerned. The Maoists have hinted Koirala that they will side with him until the King delegated his powers back to Singhdurbar.

But this is not all.

The Maoists have clearly hinted the congress and the UML that they are all set to enter into a dilogue with the old regime which means that they recognize the King as a force yet. They have never said that they will not talk with this government for it lacked legitimacy and were an unconstitutional entity.

On the contrary, their preference for the talks with this set does amply hint that they not only recognise this government but also have concluded that it is the King and the King only who can at this juncture offer them their desired concessions but not the parliamentary parties who have been denied their role in the talks as the latter claim.

The fact which has gone unnoticed in the Nepali press is the Maoist leaders’ penchant to have a tete-a-tete with the King at the latter’s convenience. This perhaps amply speaks of their contention that in the present scheme of things, the King counted more than the parliamentary parties.

And this is perhaps the reason that they have not yet pressed the parliamentary parties to be a part of the negotiating team that is to finalize their demands time permitting. This could be a message to the congress and the UML. This also means that in what position the rebels have kept these parliamentary parties. Perhaps for the rebels, the utility of the congress and the UML will surface if the talks with the old regime failed.

All in all, for the Maoists, all political parties including the monarchy were close and the otherwise. Their closeness with the political parties will apparently be determined by the utility of those at time of the crunch.

That the Maoists were also at a distance with the Nepali monarchy becomes clear from one editorial that appeared in the Times of India on April 15. If that were the views of the Maoists regarding the Nepali monarchy then what becomes clear is that we the Nepalese will be forced to see Indian newspapers to understand how the Maoists wish to see things in Nepal. Significance perhaps lies here.

This speaks of their political acumen that allows them to negotiate with each and every political force individually or even collectively.

The Maoists can tilt the existing tripartite power balance should they so desire.

Wisdom would be to maintain this balance.