Dr Satish Kumar
Lecturer, MMH College, Ghaziabad
After his Nepal visit, Foreign Secretary Shayam Saran hinted that India’s relations with Nepal have resumed after a deep freeze of almost 10 months, but it would not be normal unless the democratic set up is restored. At a press conference Saran said, “Peace stability and economic progress in Nepal are not only in Nepal’s interest but also in India’s interest.” Observers interpret this statement as India’s deliberate attempt to downplay the importance it attaches to democracy in Nepal. According to this argument, Saran did not want to make his visit seem like a reaction by India to the royal regime that is increasingly playing the China card. But, the reality is China did trigger Saran’s visit. One, India is alarmed by China supplying the Royal Nepalese Army (RNA) with arms and ammunition. Two, the debate is already growing whether India should have helped the RNA ‘to ward off China from meddling in its backyard.’
Indian security and military officials are concerned that Nepal may seek Chinese support to offset India’s negative role after the coup. China’s close ally Pakistan has significantly expanded its embassy in Kathmandu over the last decade. King Gyanendra’s tilt towards China during the 13th SAARC Summit reinforced Nepal’s equidistance policy between India and China. King Mahendra, father of King Gyanendra, harboured anti-India sentiments and played the China card during the 1950-1960s. King Gyanendra is doing the same, counterbalancing India by wooing China.
China recently announced a raft of economic and trade measures with Nepal, including a bus service from Kathmandu to Lhasa, and an expanded transport link with the southern Himalayan region. China is building a second road link with the southern Himalayan region, King Mahendra constructed the first one in the 1960s between Kathmandu and Tibet, which will move through the Rasuwagadhi and Kerung Pass. This will shorten Hindu Nepal’s access to Mount Kailash and Lake Mansarovar, among Hinduism’s holiest sites. Beijing also plans to enhance connectivity between Nepal and Tibet through fibre optic links and energy pipelines and bring the strategic China-Tibet railway closer to the Himalayan Kingdom.
It is an established fact that China has a well thought out strategic plan for the Himalayan states. China’s Nepal policy was based on Tibet’s safety and security along its southern front. Therefore, China has certain vested interests in Nepal. The shifting of the buffer zone between India and China from Tibet to Nepal highlights the increasing strategic importance of Nepal. Earlier, China did not have direct contacts with Nepal. It was connected via Tibet. Nepal and Tibet share a long contiguous border of more than 1,400 kilometres. Until the 1950s, Nepal was not a part of the strategic frontiers of China. Following the reassertion of Chinese military control over Tibet, Nepal came to share a common boundary with China. Diplomatic relations were established in 1956. After China occupied Tibet, Nepal became important to India and both countries signed a special friendship treaty. China has been keen to keep India embroiled in the quagmire of South Asian politics. India’s liberation of Bangladesh and peaceful nuclear test disturbed this Chinese strategy for South Asia. It co-opted Nepal into this strategy. The late King Birendra proposed that Nepal be declared a zone of peace to ensure the security and ensure non-interference guarantees from India.
Pakistan has become another security concern in Nepal. The Pakistan embassy in Kathmandu is allegedly providing financial assistance, transit facilities and fake passports to Kashmiri militants. It is involved in large-scale counterfeiting of Indian currency. The ISI is said to have purchased benami land in the Terai from where anti-India activities are carried out. India’s security concerns are growing with smugglers, militants, terrorists and criminals misusing its open border with Nepal. Stricter vigilance on the Indo-Pak border and concerted anti-terrorist activities in various parts of the country has made Nepal a favourite refuge for extremists. Pakistan’s Nepal policy is actively trying to create a wedge between India and Nepal and use to its advantage.
Keeping these security concerns in mind, India has decided to engage at present regime in Nepal. Shyam Sharan’s visit is a clear indication of this change. Pakistan has already made a heavy-handed offer to replace any aid withdrawn by India. Now security factors have become more important for India than the restoration of democracy in Nepal.
(The above article has been reproduced courtesy of the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies (www.ipcs.org) website and was posted in it on January 03 06.)
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