Foreign Minister Ramesh Nath Pandey (File Photo)
Foreign Minister Ramesh Nath Pandey (File Photo)
One of the senior members in the royal cabinet, Foreign Minister Ramesh Nath Pandey brings with him a long experience of working under Panchayat regime, multi-party governments and the direct rule of the King. During an exclusive interview with Nepalnews, he defended the royal takeover as well as the policy directions taken by the government chaired by His Majesty King Gyanendra himself. Follows full text of the interview:
As the direct rule of His Majesty the King completes its first year this week, critics say it has been a total failure in all its four priorities including restoring peace and good governance. How would you respond?
First of all, you should correct your perception that there is any direct rule of His Majesty the King. All constitutional bodies, except the Parliament that was dissolved, are functioning well in accordance with the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990. The parliament was dissolved by the then democratically elected Prime Minister in consensus with all the major political parties. In fact, none of the parliaments elected by the people since 1990 was allowed to function for a full 5 year term by these same cluster of political leaders that are now holding mock sessions at street corners. The local elected bodies were also dissolved by them. As a result, a political vacuum was created in the country. None of the governments formed since then wanted to conduct elections and thereby “restore” democracy. Therefore, it was His Majesty’s sole obligation to bring the de-railed democracy back to track. It will be nothing more than a prejudiced view to observe that there has been no progress in four priorities as spelt out in His Majesty’s historic proclamation of February 1, 2005. It is precisely because of improved security situation that we are holding the municipal elections on February 8, which is less than a week away. The sovereign people of Nepal will finally exercise their constitutional right to cast ballots after a gap of 7 years. This is a significant step towards fully restoring the democratic process. Another most significant achievement is that the bureaucracy remains de-politicized unlike during the previous multiparty governments. Likewise, an important progress has been made in checking fiscal indiscipline, which was so pervasive in the past in the absence of true public accountability.
Critics say the royal government has been pursuing the policy of taking Nepal closer to Russia-China-Pakistan axis by neglecting Nepal’s democratic friends that have helped in Nepal’s modernization and development for more than last five decades? Could you please kindly explain?
In a pluralistic society like ours, everybody has the right to make observations according to one’s own perception. I do not worry what critics say about Nepal’s foreign policy. The fact is that Nepal and China enjoy trouble-free and all-weather friendship based on profound trust. Non-interference in each other’s internal affairs is one of the defining features of foreign policies of Nepal and China. As regards Russia and Pakistan, Nepal enjoys good relations with both countries. In the last one year, we have given due priority to what our relations with these countries deserve. It is not correct to say that we have neglected our relations with democratic friends such as India and the United States of America. Relations with them today are as warm as they were in the past. In fact, we are more respectful of their genuine concerns and sensitivities than we were in the past. There has been no change in our policy. A number of high-level contacts have taken place and the process is continuing. We remain committed to further consolidating relations with all the friendly countries in the world. We want friendship with all, enmity with none.
During an interview with The Times of India newspaper last year, you described Nepalese monarchy as an “emergency light.” Don’t you think the monarchy now needs to reach out to the major political parties without further delay and return to its constitutional role before it’s too late?
Nobody should nurture a feeling that His Majesty is not serious about the problems the country is facing today. His Majesty has solemnly expressed that his commitment to multiparty democracy is total and unflinching. And, it is a commitment that His Majesty has made to his people and the international community is fully aware of this. His Majesty took the historic step a year ago solely guided by the Constitutional duty to protect the country, people and democracy from terrorism. Everybody knows that the Constitution has given His Majesty the role of a guardian and that whatever he is doing is precisely based on that role. It is true that the institution of Monarchy in Nepal has always been playing a role of “emergency light” based on will and consent of the people. Never in our independent political history have we witnessed the institution of Monarchy going against the aspirations of the people of Nepal. History is a witness to tell us that whenever Monarchy and the people in Nepal have worked in tandem, be it in the time of unification, democratization or modernization, the result has always been fruitful for the country. The institution of Monarchy is an indispensable institution for our country and the Monarchial culture inspires us to uphold patriotism eternally as a meeting point to bring about socio-economic transformation in the country. The idea of emergency light is well understood that whenever and wherever the normal supply of electricity is disturbed for whatsoever reasons, the emergency light becomes an urgent need and when the normal supply resumes; the emergency light is automatically switched off. This is what exactly His Majesty is doing. His Majesty had to take a decisive step, as there was no other alternative available to rescue the country from turning into a failed state. His Majesty has fulfilled historically important constitutional responsibility. The normal constitutional order will be restored when all elected institutions are reenergized through elections and the representatives of the people begin to exercise power as defined by the country’s constitution and other relevant laws. In this process, both municipal and general elections are very vital. Those who believe in people’s power and their collective wisdom must sincerely take part in all elections, which are, in fact, the soul of democracy. Don’t you think it is an irony to demand for the restoration of democracy and simultaneously call for a boycott of elections? How on earth are we to have elected representatives without elections? And, how are we to restore democracy without conducting those elections?
As a young journalist, you played a crucial role to bridge differences between late King Mahendra and then jailed former premier B. P. Koirala. As Nepal is passing through the most difficult phase in the country’s history, don’t you think you could and should play a more prominent role to bring about national unity and reconciliation between the constitutional forces within the country?
Yes, it is true that I had a role as a bridge between His late Majesty King Mahendra and Leader BP Koirala in early 60s. I feel that I had honestly fulfilled that responsibility. I have always been adhering to the principle that if the King and the leaders can unite, this country can excel in every field.
What is your vision of Nepal’s foreign policy? When do you plan to publish your memoir?
Well, His Majesty the King has eloquently articulated foreign policy of Nepal with a view to enhancing the dignity of the country in the international community. Based on His Majesty’s vision, we have defined our objectives and priorities and are treading the path that is both steadfast and practical to ensure that our paramount national interests are best safeguarded in a world that is rapidly globalizing. We have enlarged the ambit of our foreign policy by establishing diplomatic relations with a number of countries and we are determined to carry forward the process. Similarly, we have given due priority to our relations with countries where they deserve most. So, speaking precisely, the process of expansion and consolidation is taking place simultaneously and we have been able to achieve some encouraging results as well. Relations with some countries have markedly widened and deepened. Our participation in multilateral organizations has become more effective and we aspire to assume an important international responsibility soon.
I have divided my memoir into two parts in terms of time period: the first volume will cover the period up to 1984, and the second from that period onwards. The first volume is almost complete. Foreign Ministers in office usually don’t publish their memoirs because of two reasons: First they don’t want to risk their job by bringing out so many truths and historical facts and second they simply don’t have the time for academic work. I will see, if I can be the exception.