By Sanjaya Dhakal
Girija Prasad Koirala
Girija Prasad Koirala (File Photo)
After successfully navigating a peace agreement with the Maoists on November 8, Girija Prasad Koirala’s real challenge has now begun – whether the agreement signed under his leadership will bring permanent peace in the country. As it is, he has taken a great gamble putting all his political career at stake. This alone will determine whether he will go down in history as a hero or a villain.
For now he has undergone an unthinkable metamorphosis – from one of the most widely criticized politicians to the most widely respected one. This is true despite some murmurs of criticism within the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) regarding his kowtowing with Maoist leadership.
Circumstances have catapulted the 85-year-old politician into the center-stage of Nepali politics where as the all-powerful Prime Minister steering the nation at this critical juncture, Koirala not only enjoys unequivocal support of his party, the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the international community but also that of rebel Maoists.
Whether one likes it or not, Girija Koirala is a number one politician right now not only in terms of age but also in terms of political acceptance.
Addressing his first press conference on November 8, the Maoist chairman Prachanda stated that his party would accept the leadership of Koirala even during the forthcoming interim government. “If the leadership of Koirala is changed at this period, the process (of transition) could be sabotaged. We want Koirala to lead till the election of Constituent Assembly,” he said.
Not only from communist rebels, Koirala has received accolades also from foreign dignitaries. On June 7 when he reached New Delhi, Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh gave a rare gesture by himself coming to receive him at the Indira Gandhi International Airport. “You are great leader in the entire South Asia. There is no one like you now,” Dr. Singh said while shaking hands with Koirala then.
Back in home, Koirala continues to lead the SPA without any major hitch. Although the alliance consists of motley crew – from extreme leftists to regional parties – Koirala is the undisputed leader.
Another instance of his leadership capability came to the forefront when after successfully forcing King Gyanendra to step back on April 24, 2006 through peaceful mass uprising; it was under his call as the leader of SPA that the movement stopped – even though the Maoists were not ready to give up the movement at that time.
These are truly remarkable feats. Compare this with the events of July, 2001 when Koirala was compelled to unceremoniously walk away from Baluwatar in the wake of intra-party dissensions, and strong opposition protests. That, perhaps, was the period when Koirala was at nadir of his six-decade-long political career. That was the time when Koirala was considered synonymous with corruption, instability, cronyism and all that was bad about Nepali politics.
Haunted by opposition (led by the same Madhav Nepal who now accepts Koirala as the leader of SPA) for corruption-related charges; hounded by dissident leaders (led by the same Sher Bahadur Deuba who now toes his line in all issues of national importance, as was seen during the negotiation with the Maoists) within his own party; beset with extraordinary situation when the bizarre massacre killed King Birendra and his family members; and troubled with increasingly menacing Maoists (led by the same Prachanda who now does not see his alternative), Koirala had lost popular support back then.
A little more than a year later, Koirala found his old firm. For a person whose past show that he has always been more successful in revolution than in governance or power, the dissolution of parliament in May, 2002 and King Gyanendra’s regressive step to sack an elected prime minister on October 4, 2002 came as opportunities for Koirala to prove his mettle once again.
Since day one, Koirala asserted that the House has to be first reinstated. Even though other parties and even certain section within his own party were questioning the rationale of restoring the ‘dead’ House, Koirala continued to stick with his gun. Ultimately, it was under his agenda that even the armed Maoists could find a shelter. Whether in signing the 12-point agreement in November of 2005 or declaring the April agitation, Koirala never lost sight of his number one priority – restoration of the House.
“He can pursue any cause he believes in a steadfast manner,” says Lalit Bahadur Basnet, a lawyer who has the rare access up to the bedroom of Koirala.
Even when during early July this year when he was hospitalized for ten days, he addressed the countrymen from his hospital bed vowing to fulfill his duty to restore peace and consolidate democracy.
“I remember one episode, which continues to preoccupy me. A few days after he returned to Baluwatar (from the hospital), I had gone to meet him. And there he was, taking in oxygen from cylinder and looking all frail. But once I entered the room, he just banged on to his small bedside table and told me that he was going to restore peace at all cost,” recalls Basnet.
Why is Koirala so strong in his party? And why is he so indispensable at this juncture? As close political observers point out, Koirala’s forte has been his organization-building zeal, easy going attitude and political acumen.
A close look at the daily routine of Koirala when he was the party leader could give some insights as to why this old man is so strong. His close associates reveal that a typical day of Koirala used to begin at 4 am when he normally wakes up. By 5, he is fully dressed in that characteristic white daura suruwal (whose color could be the envy of detergent companies) and black coat. Fit and ready, with briefcase by his side, Koirala – in between various rounds of tea and light breakfast of yoghurt and egg (because of his ill health, he has now given up smoking) – meets with party workers, leaders, foreign visitors and everyone who wants to meet him – and this goes on till noon when he normally takes a light lunch. After around two hours of afternoon siesta, Koirala returns to his room and again meets with the unending stream of visitors. After around 7 pm, he retires to his bedroom, takes a few sips of drinks, has a light dinner and calls it a day. This routine is interspersed with official engagements, cabinet meetings and other duties when he is Prime Minister.
A systematic and methodical person, Koirala’s greatest strength, analysts say, is his constant interactions with his party members and workers. And, his greatest weakness? Well, the charges of corrupt practice continue to linger on despite the clean chit given to him recently by the Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA). Even though he is not seen to have amassed personal properties, his tendency to look the other way when his family members or cronies misuse his authority may have tarnished his image. Another weakness is his penchant for power and authority. The fact that he does not have a clear successor in his party shows how much he has centralized the power.
When talking about Koirala, who started politics as a trade union leader, it would be incomplete if one left out his turbulent relations with the communists. A known communist-baiter, Koirala was hounded by communists all his life. An often reported incident is that of him lumping all Male (then UML), Masale (radical leftist party) and Mandale (regressive elements) together in the wake of 1990 change.
But at the fag end of his political career, Koirala is at the helms of an alliance that is dominated by communists. “This is his strategic alliance,” said an analyst, who did not want to be named. Just as much the communists need Koirala to gain credibility before international community, Koirala, too, needs them now to broaden his political base. Koirala enjoys wide recognition as a liberal democrat within and outside the country, but it is the communists who are calling the shots within the country given their huge organizational network and capacity to mobilize the masses.
If proving oneself indispensable is a quality of leadership, then Girija Prasad Koirala would score ten out of ten. Whether inside his party or within the Seven Party Alliance or before the Maoists or among the international community, Koirala has been able to prove his indispensability. In a country riddled with every imaginable difference on political, social, cultural and economic issues, GPK stands tall as the undisputed leader.
One of the greatest tragedies in his life is whenever Koirala pursued the policy of reconciliation, his opposition including communists attacked him but when he backed extreme stands, Koirala was hailed as a revolutionary leader.
At the last leg of his political career, prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala has several challenges ahead. If the peace agreement, which also includes a controversial point about changing the cut off year for citizenship, brings the result as expected, this man is going to scale the summit of Everest in politics. If it brings the opposite result, your guess will be as good as mine. nepalnews.com Nov 12 06