When the whole nation is rising for the attainment of a ‘complete democracy’, the royal governement is planning to lead Nepal to a full-fledged autocracy through the farce of general elections
By Krishna Adhikari
Dr. Alok K. BoharaElections are considered as the norms of democracy in normal conditions. But where there is lack of conducive environment and popular participation, elections end of being a means to pursue anti-democratic ends. If the government’s roadmap is let go uninterrupted, Nepal could be a medieval style feudal state in the 21st century.
Despite the paradigm shift in Nepal’s political governance in 1990, a section of elites and orthodox group of so-called upper class feudalists, who normally take ruling Nepal for granted as if it is their private good, has never changed. From the analysis of every event ever since king Gyanendra took over power, it is increasingly becoming clear that anti-democratic feudal elements have been engineering and implementing their roadmap to reinvent undemocratic neo-Panchayat system. To implement this roadmap, there already have been a series of activities aimed at dismantling democratic institutions, derailing the democratic process and promoting antidemocratic forces.
The illiberal political forces that felt marginalized with the liberalisation of the partyless Panchyat system in the 1980s, and that were overthrown through the people’s movement in 1990 have made a dramatic comeback to power in Nepal recently.
Nepal’s infant democracy that had already witnessed a serious blow due to the bad governance practices of the subsequent governments in power and ensuing Maoists’ violent insurgency has to undergo a series of assaults from the regressive forces. The first serious assault was through the dissolution of House of Representatives on the recommendation of the then prime minister Sher Bahadur Dueba despite strong opposition from the ruling Nepali Congress and other opposition parties. It is widely believed that the whole plot was orchestrated from the antidemocratic camp. As had all ill intentions suggested, the king betrayed the elected prime minister, sacked him for allegedly failing to hold the elections, and bestowed the executive power of the country upon himself. The Nepali Congress party, the largest party in the parliament then, became a victim of the same game plan by undergoing vertical split. Moreover, in the similar vein, recently Rastriya Parjatantra Party has been victimised twice with two vertical splits on the issue of whether to support the king’s move or not.
A series of unconstitutional activities like handpicking prime ministers, often through back doors, and taking and ‘returning’ the executive power went on unabated. The on-going saga was a prelude that full regression was in the offing. The royal proclamation of February 1, 2005 made the king chairman of the Council of Ministers and Tulsi Giri and Kirti Nidhi Bista, both prime ministers of the overthrown Panchayat regime, vice chairmen. Many political leaders and rights activists were arrested; state of emergency was declared; all means of communications were blocked, and army took to the streets, party offices, publication houses, and many other civil areas. Despite the rhetoric for a clean image in the government, Nepal has seen many notorious people: wilful bank defaulters, smugglers, party defectors, alleged criminals with cases pending at the court or those already served jail sentence for allegedly masterminding the murders, to name but a few, appointed as government ministers. Most recent inclusion of authoritarian ministers of the overthrown Panchayat regime has reaffirmed that the ultimate aim of the king’s roadmap is the establishment of the neo-Panchayat system.
It is a dangerous dictatorial syndrome that collective pressure expressed through powerful demonstrations does not make any difference to the regime. This gives further explanation why the king is pushing the agenda of the general elections when it is most irrelevant and comes during an awkward time.
The country is heating up with the peaceful movement of the people from all walks of lives and from all parts of the country demanding a guarantee that the people, only the people, are the master of Nepal and the sovereignty of the country rests upon them. The king’s vows not to be like his brother, the constitutional monarch killed in 2001, manifested through a series of anti-democratic inclination of the government under his leadership, do not leave us in a position to surprise why the state has responded with extreme brutality and cowardice ways by shooting at peaceful demonstrations, let alone baton charging, detention and tortures.
Against this backdrop, it was just a naive calculation to think that the king in his New Year Message would address the collective voice of the nation. Hence, no surprise that he did not. It is a dangerous dictatorial syndrome that collective pressure expressed through powerful demonstrations does not make any difference to the regime. This gives further explanation why the king is pushing the agenda of the general elections when it is most irrelevant and comes during an awkward time. Elections cannot be a priority now because a series of experience has shown that without resolving Maoist insurgency nothing, even the elections, is going to be meaningful.
If so, why is the royal government, which has antidemocratic character, is so obsessed with elections mantra? Why did it go ahead with the ‘municipal elections’ that were boycotted by the vast majority of Nepali people and not recognised by international community? Moreover, why is the government pushing forward the agenda of holding general elections in such a hostile situation? This is because holding elections forms the most important part of the well-designed vicious roadmap as a means to achieve the antidemocratic end.
Needless to emphasise that the people of Nepal who are defying curfews through peaceful demonstrations and withstanding live bullets will not let farces of elections to be held. Despite this, it seems that the government will use every possible force to organise the general elections. As the part of the plot, the king has already asked the agitating political parties to participate in the elections.
What if the elections are allowed to be held as planned? Even though the situation is hypothetical, from the antidemocratic trend of the government and expressions of senior cabinet ministers, an upcoming scenario can be predicted. It seems certain that the opposition political parities will not participate in the election held by the present regime, nor will the government desire them to participate. Neither will there be any credible observations for its fairness, nor will it too be desired. Like in the municipal polls, the state forces will be misused and only a small section of Nepali people, mainly feudal-mandale circle, will play in the drama in a bid to elect a so-called parliament of royal poodles. A series of on-going regressive activities of the government suggest that such a parliament is most likely to serve the ulterior motives: reframing the constitution to serve the convenience of the king establishing him as the sole center of power in the statecraft and scraping any institutions, including political parties that dare to oppose the dictatorial state, let alone the existence of any independent media.
By attempting to suppress the people’s movement in the cruelest possible way and forwarding the agenda of general elections in most incongruous fashion, the royal government is spiralling the people’s anger against the monarchy in such a way that the consequence of Nepal is still out of imagination. Thanks to the counterproductive measures adopted by the royal government, anti-monarchy polarisation is very rapid that the achievement of full regression by buying further time through the rhetoric of democratic elections will remain only the distant dream.
However, it is necessary that the individuals and institutions fighting for democratic Nepal are aware of the regressive roadmap. The ongoing protest should be continued and further intensified in order to help prevent Nepal from becoming permanently a medieval style feudalistic country on the one hand and help make it a peaceful, democratic and free nation on the other. The international community must act tough so that the support to the democratic movement in Nepal becomes meaningful and result oriented.
Adhikari is pursuing his Ph. D. at the Reading University, UK. Please send your comments to [email protected] or [email protected]
(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])