Local administration has declared day-time curfew in Pokhara on Wednesday following clashes between the pro-democracy activists and security personnel throughout Tuesday.
According to reports, clashes erupted in the resort town of Pokhara after the local authorities declared main city area as “prohibited zone” all of a sudden beginning Tuesday.
A procession of more than 20,000 people comprising ethnic and janajati communities passed through various parts of the city defying prohibitory orders.Opposition supporters and activists also clashed with security personnel throughout the day in Pokhara and nearby Lekhnath municipality.
There was heavy security presence in Pokhara and Royal Nepalese Army personnel could be seen patrolling the streets in tanks.
The local administration has clamped curfew from 8:00 a. m. till 7 p.m. in certain parts of Pokhara on Wednesday.
More violence is feared as the opposition parties have vowed to defy curfew orders terming it “illegal and unconstitutional.”
Authorities say the curfew orders have been declared to maintain the law and order situation in the city. nepalnews.com by Apr 18 06
The crisis of confidence between the monarch and agitating major political parties seems to be further widening.
By Pratibedan Baidya
Reports say senior opposition leader and CPN (UML) general secretary, Madhav Kumar Nepal, — who is in detention for the last three months– was being taken to the district court of Kathmandu from Kakani of Nuwakot district on Tuesday afternoon to formalize his release. Media crew and UML workers were at the gates of the district court at Babarmahal past 5:00 p.m. They later came to know that following orders from the “higher authorities” the police vehicle carrying Mr. Nepal returned mid-way. It was not immediately known where he is being kept.
So, is there still room for dialogue between the monarch and agitating major political parties?
Talking to Nepalnews, politician and ideologue Nilambar Acharya said that the King has closed all doors of reconciliation, so there was no sense of talking with the King.
“The King knows all the agenda and demands of political parties but he has not addressed any of the demands of the political parties and is only asking them to follow his roadmap. So, the phase of dialogue and reconciliation is over,” he added.
“The constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990, could still be the meeting point between the two. The monarch and the political parties should initiate dialogue on the basis of the preamble of the constitution.” — Dirgha Raj Prasain
Stating that the government and all the work of the government is unconstitutional, Acharya said, “Detaining political leaders and obstructing their activities and at the same time and calling them for talks carries no meaning.”
“People’s movement has reached to new heights and the King should accept the verdict of people if he wants to secure his position,” said Acharya.
According to Acharya, the first step the monarch needs to take – if he is really willing for reconciliation– is to immediately dissolve the incumbent government and return people’s power back to the people’s representatives. “The King should accept the agenda of political parties and should respect the initiative of the seven political parties to bring Maoists into the mainstream of politics,” he added.
The King should ask the political parties — that received legitimacy through people’s vote to present their agendas — and approve it if he wants reconciliation among constitutional forces, said Acharya.
In his message on the occasion of Nepali New Year, King Gyanendra called upon parties for dialogue to give outlet to the present political problems but parties refused his call saying that the King should first restore civil and political rights and create conducive environment for talks.
Not even opposition activists, even the well known royalists are at their wit’s end looking at “self-destructive” activities of the royal government.
Dirgha Raj Prasain, a royalist, alleges that those, who were involved to give monarchy a bad name during the popular movement of 1990 were now active to stop the King from initiating the process of dialogue and find solution to the current problem.
Prasai did not name anybody but pointed towards usual suspects. “These people are defaming the monarchy for their personal interest. The royal government has failed in every front since the royal takeover of last year. So, His Majesty the King should immediately reach out to the political parties to resolve the problems facing the country,” he added.
“If the King had taken his step due to the wrongdoing of the democratic governments, he should had taken steps to correct them. But the King failed to do so leading to discontent among the masses against the government and the direct rule of the King. Now, there is no option rather than returning the state power to the people,” he added.
When asked what could be the meeting point between the king and agitating parties, Prasain said the constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990, could still be the meeting point between the two. “The monarch and the political parties should initiate dialogue on the basis of the preamble of the constitution,” he added.
“The government should call the political parties for talks in a formal way to resolve present political problem,” said Prasain.
A leading analyst on Nepal affairs, Rhoderick Chalmers, warned early this year that palace hardliners were the greatest threat to the future of the monarchy in the Himalayan kingdom. In his commentary on the long-drawn political impasse in Nepal on January 23, Chalmers—who is associated with the International Crisis Group– said, “At the moment, as thinking royalists have long realised, palace hardliners are the greatest threat to the future of the monarchy.”
In his commentary that was written before the controversial municipal polls, Chalmers wrote: “If King Gyanendra is willing to take a risk for peace he can recover respect for the monarchy by canceling the flawed and misconceived elections and working towards the settlement Nepalis long for. Of course, this will not be easy. But the easy options will lead only to continued bloodshed and political collapse.”
The King assumed direct power and assumed chairmanship of the incumbent government on February 1, 2005 but there have been no improvement in the overall situation of the country since then.
The royal roadmap included restoration of peace in the country, containing Maoist insurgency, checking rampant corruption and holding parliamentary polls by mid April 2007, but analysts say the King has failed in almost all fronts.
Now, opening dialogue with the parties for a fresh initiative would be in the best interests of the monarch and the nation.
But the question remains: Will the people with “vested interests” allow the king to do the right thing? nepalnews.com Apr 18 08
To address the political crisis for a win-win situation, we can only hope that exemplary statesmanship and leadership will be exhibited by political actors to save our country from death and destruction
By Sudarshan Shrestha
The consequential move
Certainty to address the political fragmentation in Nepalese politics and the fragile democracy resulting from the Maoist insurgency and rampant corruption appeared to have been the conjecture of the King. The 1 February 05 political reposition appeared to have been consequential and was deemed appropriate and important both by the head of state and a large section of the Nepalese populous. With the exception of the political top brass and those who were attuned to political power play and kick back maneuvers, there was a degree of optimism and euphoria amongst the people including opposition political party activists that the nation would see positive and concrete change.
At first sight, the political stance taken by the monarch did not appear to be long-term, there appeared to be a promising future (even if it was temporary) in the hope that political parties who had failed the Nepalese would be brought into confidence by the Council of Ministers chosen by the monarch. The choice of framing the cabinet will always be debatable in the text books of Nepalese history because its selection has been contentious, both because of the choice of individuals in the cabinet as well as the group’s failure to deliver and perform according to the royal proclamation. Irrespective of the many ways in which the government may argue its rationale that the country is heading in the right direction towards the process of re-establishing peace and democracy, it clearly appears today that this is nothing more than wishful thinking. Addressing the conflict and setting a clear path for political stability is but impossible without the involvement of all the political actors. And the government’s failure in this reference was underscored by the currently influential Home Minister when he admitted on national television that the government had failed to take into confidence the political parties over the past 14 months; resulting in the opposition piggy backing on the Maoists.
Our Parties
The government has failed in the political front to support the monarch’s road map for meaningful democracy which could be attributed to incorrect or incomplete assumptions. Painful but meaningful decisions have to be made under the present conditions of substantial
uncertainty, particularly when the situation is volatile.
The political parties for their part have been less than responsible towards the Nepalese people by disrespecting the sentiments of the people by refusing to have any agenda for dialogue and reconciliation with the government. The 12 point agreement and its renewal appear to be nothing more than altercations for power in the guise of fighting for people’s sovereign rights, democracy and an effort to establish peace. How are these noble ideas achievable when they refuse to engage in any dialogue with the state? What the Nepalese people fail to comprehend is the rationale of the opposition’s political commitment in willingness to enter into agreement with the CPN (Maoist), hold secret talks but repudiate any face to face meetings with the state in the glare of the Nepalese people.
Allegations by the state and against it by the parties and the people are numerous, the agenda of political roadmaps are varied, and visions for resilient peace, the perceived process of achieving meaningful democracy
accountable to the sovereign people of this nation state are diverse. Hence, the question is, how can our leaders and those who perceive themselves to be the rightful ones to lead us deliver on us our dreams for peace and stability when there is a lack of sincerity for true dialogue, when those who purportedly want to represent us refuse to see eye to eye.
The Peace Slogan and victims
The maxim of peace has been negatively utilized in this country; it’s a catch word to muster public opinion. “Our violence is aimed at achieving peace” this is what the Spokesperson of the CPN (Maoists) told the world and the Nepalese people in particular in a BBC interview on 10 April as the capital suffered from the wounds of the double- edged knife of the government’s curfew and indefinite strike by the opposition. Ironical? Yes, this is the plight the innocent people of this nation are having to endure under the leadership of our formal and informal selected few.
The streets of this nation burn with the smell of tyres, tear gas fumes burn the nation’s eyes, innocent but frustrated and agitated people confront the men in dress. Emotions run high on both sides of the fence, rubber bullets pierce their way into delicate and seasoned skin while the men in dress have their clothes stained in their own blood. It is we who are the aggrieved sufferers, not our respected leaders who are confined to the walls of their homes or in the safe havens of detention centers of the state. Sacrifices, loss of blood and lives are argued to be necessary for change. But is change not possible through dialogue and meaningful and peaceful engagements on the table?
The accused
The army was involved in the conflict not because of its own making, but because of the intransigence of the political leadership to suppress their opposing political ideologies. For the records, it was the democratically elected government of Sher Bahadur Deuba which pulled the army out of their barracks in the hope of quelling the insurgency. It was given a mandate, a mandate to support the nation’s fight against terrorism, not to support any political power or party. Since then, many things have gone astray; its rights record has been wronged, people’s faith in its ability to eliminate terrorism are being seen with skepticism and it has unwarrantedly received the royal seal for being “Royal Loyal”.
The army may have failed on many fronts, but it is us who have made them fail and we can only imagine what would be the state of the state if they did not engage the Maoists to contain their firepower. How much can we expect from them when supplies of resources are scarce as double standards are overpoweringly exhibited in the global war against terrorism by the Americans and the Indians. The army is fighting against all odds and has been caught in the gambit of political power play. As with all national institutions that have their own identity and self respect in being accountable to the people, the leadership appears to have accepted Sun Tzu’s theory of the Art of War that there is no instance of a country having benefited from prolonged warfare. Although the army will always be duty bound until death to protect the interest of the state it would also be in its interest to consider Sun Tzu’s theory of war that “The skillful soldier does not raise a second levy, neither are his supply-wagons loaded more than twice.”
The army is alleged to be the central power structure in the political crisis. The claim is open for debate, but irrespective of the honest realities, one could argue that it has a constructive responsibility to broker the national impasse. There could be no greater opportunity for the institution to raise its profile and credibility in support for people’s desire for peace and sovereignty.
Moving ahead in the new dawn
Time is a frame of reference and the skeptical euphoria in optimistic terms when the people gave the benefit of doubt to what appeared to be the King’s realistic vision of taking the country towards political stability has changed. Political parties have advocated political confrontation as opposed to reconciliatory politics; the government appears more threatening and arrogant than appearing to be willing to build national consensus through confidence building measures. Much dirty water has passed below the bridge, it is with a matter of urgency that the leaderships of this country act with a sense of urgency, and focus on immediate things that are of value and meaning to the Nepalese people, their state of mind and their right to live a decent life.
Note well that our egoism is the journey to the funeral pyre. The possibilities are that when our strength and stir is exhausted, there will be a many to spring up to take advantage of our limitations and weakness as a nation state. In the absence of a crisis, Nepal has been inclined to procrastinate social and political issues and overlooked opportunities to address them. But the time has come for us to act in defiance of the politics of violence and confrontation and from being used as mob pawns for agitations which have failed to provide constructive results.
In the contextual change, the government has failed in the political front to support the monarch’s road map for meaningful democracy which could be attributed to incorrect or incomplete assumptions. Painful but meaningful decisions have to be made under the present conditions of substantial uncertainty, particularly when the situation is volatile. Sense making takes time, but have we not come of age to make sense that things are not working for the country?
Let the dawn of the New Year see the exchange of olive branches so that we could witness work on the commonalities of various roadmaps to get talking face to face to address differences. There are common grounds for our leaders to shake hands if they are genuine and sincere towards us. Analyzing the core issues of the King’s seven point agenda on January 6, 2004 and the opposition’s six point political roadmap of May 8, 2005, we could see following similarities to get started on consensus building and reconciliation.
The formation of an all party interim government (King’s agenda). Revival of the dissolved parliament or formation of an all party government (Agenda of the opposition) * The key would be to have a coalition of flexibility.
· The government thus formed will announce parliamentary elections and hold free and fair polls. (Agenda of both the sides)
· National consensus (King’s agenda). Talking to the Maoists after reaching consensus between political parties (Opposition’s agenda).
To address the political crisis for a win-win situation for all the political players in the eyes of the people, we can only hope that exemplary statesmanship and leadership will be exhibited by political actors to save our country from death and destruction. It’s not about losing face and defeat; it’s about saving the nation as we move into the New Year.
Happy Near Year 2063 B. S.!
(Shrestha is an independent media and communication consultant who has been associated with both the government and private media over the past decade. Please send your comments to [email protected] or [email protected])
(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])
Nepal is facing abnormal challenges that require innovative approaches
By Murari R. Sharma
King Gyanendra had a wonderful opportunity, on April 14, 2006 in his Nepali New Year message, to square to the Nepali people and present a viable road map the Nepali people could at least begin to consider. But all he cared to do in his address was to put the old wine in a new bottle, reiterating his old and vague proposal for dialogue with political parties and parliamentary elections next year.
His Majesty King Gyanendra
Not surprisingly, the seven-party alliance (SPA) rejected the king’s offer out of hand and pressed on with the pro-democracy movement, by announcing new and more strident programs. This time, apart from asking all sections of the Nepali population to come to the street, SPA has also called on the diaspora not to send remittance home and donors not to provide assistance to the royal regime. The public response to this new batch of programs has been phenomenal, and this has catapulted the movement to its decisive phase.
Alarmed by this new momentum, the king has launched a new round of political consultations, starting with key ambassadors and former prime ministers, including KP Bhattarai and SP Thapa, both opposed to the idea of constituent assembly and potential prime ministerial candidates. The objective of these contacts remains under the wrap. What is notable though is this: If the purpose was to hand over power, the first candidates for such interaction should have been the SPA leaders.
Now appointing a prime minister whoever it may be or reinstating the parliament will not suffice; the country must go much further seeking to secure peace, strengthen democracy and pave the way for an inclusive and equitable society.
Finding a common ground and seeking people’s mandate to govern constitute the cardinal principles of a democratic system. For this reason, democratic parties should never shy away from fair election and genuine dialogue in normal situations. However, in an abnormal political climate, preserving the substance — values and institutions — rather than the form, of democracy becomes the foremost obligation of responsible parties. Now Nepal is facing abnormal challenges that require innovative approaches.
What strikes me is this: The king in his proposal for dialogue has always been devoid of purpose, content, context or format. His purpose, as stated, has been to hold talks making “patriotism” as the meeting point, which does not tell much other than announcing that some people arrogate to themselves the honor of being more patriotic than others, an arrogant and slanderous but an empty and unhelpful rhetoric. The possible content of talks is not clear either, and there is no way to know whether the king wants to address the issue of constituent assembly, restoration of parliament, or appointment of a new prime minister.
Another point of confusion in the king’s proposal is the lack of clarity as to the context or level of talks. What comes from the ministers is shifting conditions and moving goalposts for dialogue, manifesting the fact that they could not be serious. For instance, the ministers first asked SPA to withdraw its boycott of municipal elections to pave the way for talks; over the last few days, they were asking the alliance to break the 12-point understanding with the Maoists to be invited for talks. And it would be too much to assume that SPA leaders would come running if the home minister and information minister invited them for talks.
Finally, the king or his ministers never bothered to outline the format of dialogue. SPA has no idea, as far as I know, whether dialogue is supposed to be a bilateral between the government and SPA, a trilateral among the government, SPA and the Maoists, or a round-table of those three and all the rest. To presume that SPA would abandon the Maoists at this late stage of the game would be too simplistic, simply because this would not help resolve the Maoist problem, and SPA’s own credibility too would be on the line.
Besides, free and fair parliamentary elections will not be possible without an understanding, if not agreement, with the Maoists, who hold sway in more than 75 percent of the countryside, under which they would allow the elections to go forward peacefully. If the elections were not possible in 2002, they are not certainly feasible now, as the situation has further worsened. The municipal elections are a case in point: the turn out was low and more than 50 percent posts had no candidates in relatively secure towns and cities due to the Maoist threat and SPA boycott. This does not inspire much confidence in the government’s ability to pull off the parliamentary elections in far-flung villages.
In an abnormal political climate, preserving the substance rather than the form of democracy becomes the foremost obligation of responsible parties.
So, SPA has a point in rejecting the king’s vague offer of talks swiftly. In fact, it should not hold dialogue with the government unless its broad contours, with which the pro-democratic agitators feel comfortable, are clearly spelt out beforehand, leaving the details to be fleshed out as agreed later. This line of action becomes imperative because any sense among the energized protestors that the SPA has betrayed them would only push them to the embrace of Maoist rebels, a dreadful but a real prospect.
No one should underestimate the pro-democratic movement. Through the movement, the Nepali people are seeking to restore their democracy and freedom rather than trying to reinstate the status quo ante. This pits the monarchy, Maoists and SPA – with their strengths and weaknesses — into an existential crisis. SPA has people’s power and world opinion on its side but no armies; the monarchy and Maoists have their armies but no broad public support. In other words, none of these political protagonists has the strength to overcome the other two alone, but any two could tackle the third. The 12-point pact is an effort to break that strategic stalemate.
The best scenario could have been for all political players to make a compromise in the interest of Nepal and its people. But the time for it has run out. Now appointing a prime minister whoever it may be or reinstating the parliament will not suffice; the country must go much further seeking to secure peace, strengthen democracy and pave the way for an inclusive and equitable society. For this greater cause, a party or an institution that stands in the way should be dispensable.
(Former permanent representative of Nepal to the United Nations, Mr. Sharma is currently based in New York Please send your comments to [email protected] or [email protected])
(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])
Nepalis based in New York gathered outside the UN headquarters in New York on a rainy Friday afternoon to stage a protest against the royal regime in Nepal and expressed their solidarity with the on-going pro-democracy movement in the Himalayan kingdom.
Addressing the gathering, Assistant General Secretary of the United Nations, Kul Chandra Gautam, said, “I am not speaking here as a representative of the UN, but as a Nepali who believes that democracy should be restored in Nepal.”
Other speakers at the event included Sanjaya Parauli, president of the New York based organization Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights in Nepal, USA, and Anand Bista of Nepali Democratic Youth Council, USA and Murari Raj Sharma, former Permanent Representative to the United Nations.
On 6 April, Global Majority and Monterey Institute of International Association and Conflict Resolution organized a public forum to discuss the topic “The power of civil society: Promoting Dialogue, Averting violence” at Monterey, California. Advocate at the Supreme Court, Dinesh Tripathi, deliberated on the human rights situation in Nepal. “State terrorism and state lawlessness is the biggest issue in Nepal,” he said. “The royal regime has responded in a very cruel and ruthless manner to the peaceful and nonviolent movement launched by the seven party alliance and massively participated in by the civil society.” The forum has adopted advocate Tripathi as one of the international advisers of Global Majority.
Although there are some factions of the diaspora that believe in the King, the general trend seems to be pro-democracy and anti-monarchy, said a journalist based in New York. Many “friends of Nepal” also took part in the pro-democracy programs. nepalnews.com by Apr 17 06
The day of reckoning is coming closer for Messrs Thapa, Thapa, Thapa, Thapa and Thapa
By CK Lal
For a former AIGP, Govind Prasad Thapa, PhD, is unusually erudite and surprisingly unassuming. Like most scholars, he refrains from making hasty comments and prefers to qualify even well argued remarks with ifs and buts. When a person of his stature decides to call the excessive use of force on peaceful protestors “shameful” there is reason to believe something is really wrong rotten.
AIGP Thapa says nothing about the person responsible for the excesses of the security forces, but history will hold King Gyanendra ultimately responsible for them. On the day of reckoning, which is getting closer by the day, Messrs Thapa, Thapa, Thapa, Thapa and Thapa (the Home Minister, the Law Minister, the Army Chief, the Chief of the Armed Police Force and the chief of Nepal Police) will all point their fingers at the chairman. The buck has to stop somewhere, that’s the way it works in all authoritarian systems: once the statue is toppled the most trusted lieutenants of the dictators turn out to be their loudest detractors.
The idea of a benevolent dictator has been discredited almost everywhere it has been tried. There is something in the notion of an all-powerful saviour that appeals to aristocrats and plebeian alike. Actually the moment a dictator tries to be benevolent, he risks losing his chair because a more ruthless despot emerges to oust him. That’s the way it has been from Roman times to Rana times. Almost every Rana prime minister lost his throne that way. Whenever a Sri Tin tried to introduce even cosmetic reforms, his brothers and nephews would pounce upon him. Autocrats need a permanent state of crisis to survive and thrive.
(From left) Home Minister Kamal Thapa, Chief of RNA Pyar Jung Thapa, Chief of Nepal Police Shyam Bhakta Thpa and chief of Armed Police Force Sahabir Thapa (File Photos)
(From left) Home Minister Kamal Thapa, Chief of RNA Pyar Jung Thapa, Chief of Nepal Police Shyam Bhakta Thpa and chief of Armed Police Force Sahabir Thapa (File Photos)
When King Gyanendra assumed all state powers in October 2002 in a carefully orchestrated putsch, the comfortable classes gave him full benefit of doubt. They hoped the king would eliminate the Maoists, discipline wayward politicos, mobilise moribund administrators, restore normalcy in the country, conduct elections and
hand over power to the representatives of the people.
We somehow assumed that the all-powerful ‘international community’ had enough clout to keep the ambitions of the monarch in check. But the king continued with his phased coup until 1 February 2005. All the donors and lenders could do once the deed was done was to issue by the pronouncements. Recent statements of US State Department and European Union are a continuation of the routine. Like fellow-Third World rulers, King Gyanendra has chosen to ignore these censures and his ministers are allowed to label it “foreign interference in our internal affairs”. Frankly, they have a point there.
Parliamentary parties have been paying too much attention to what minor functionaries of international agencies say about the situation in Nepal. The NC and the UML blundered by withholding anti-monarchy protests upon the requests of certain ambassadors who have since been refused customary audiences by the king. You have to hand it to our king, he knows how to deal with meddling dips. He once said: “They will say what they have to say, we must do what we have to do.” Maybe the parliamentary parties should adopt that approach to fend off international criticism of their 12-point pact with the Maoists.
Kathmandu’s comfy classes have been feeling claustrophobic in the curfews and are hoping the king will extend an olive branch towards political parties through his new year message. Even if there is a branch, olive or not, it will be too little, too late. Only unconditional unity between the forces of the people on the need for a constituent assembly can help rescue us.
Courtesy : Nepali Times
(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])
A timely restoration of the Parliament is in the King’s interest too
By Rajesh B. Shrestha
It is 1685 AD. After a prosperous reign of 25 years, King Charles II of Britain, who recalled the Parliament that had had been dissolved for 7 years, dies. His brother, James II succeeds him and, shortly then after, tries to bring back absolute monarchy and savagely suppresses rebellion. Fed up with the new monarch, the political parties of the time, in 1688, launched what later became known as the Glorious Revolution, forced the King to give up his crown and chose James’s daughter as the new monarch. The Parliament thereby proved itself more powerful than the Crown, and enshrined in a Bill of Rights, ended divine right and absolute monarchy in Britain.
Today, the seven party alliance (SPA) is calling for the restoration of the Parliament as the first step towards return to peace. Monarchists in Nepal cite that the revival of the Parliament which has expired its mandate is unconstitutional. The sequence of events leading from October 2002 when the King dismissed the elected Prime Minister to the royal takeover on February 1, 2005 can hardly be described as constitutional. Even as the King cites the Constitution in his every address, he has routinely acted against the spirit of the Constitution and blatantly abused the Article 127. The ultimate arbiter of the Constitution, the Supreme Court, in terming the RCCC illegal, has also intimated the unconstitutionality of the King’s takeover.
The King has also publicly stated that he is committed to multi-party democracy and constitutional monarchy. If that is indeed so, the restoration of the Parliament assures the King the most direct and the country the least anarchic route back to order. Many legal analysts argue that Article 127 of the Constitution was designed for this very purpose. An old Parliament is better than no Parliament. By its very nature of representation, the Parliament is inherently more sensitive and more in touch with people’s realities and aspirations than any king or dictator could ever be.
A timely restoration of the Parliament is in the King’s interest too. Not only would it keep the monarch above the political frays that is inevitable among the political parties and the Maoists in the days ahead, but also contribute to restoring people’s faith in the usefulness of the monarchy. The alternative is a complete shakeup of the political terra-ferma of the country, which will most certainly leave the monarchy in tatters. A delayed action on the King’s part risks missing the parliament-window and the SPA moving ahead to full-fledged republicanism which has already gained considerable favour among young Nepalis.
A delayed action on the King’s part risks missing the parliament-window and the SPA moving ahead to full-fledged republicanism which has already gained considerable favour among young Nepalis.
Of course, restoration of the Parliament alone is not enough. The present Constitution is in need of a serious revision, if not a complete rewrite, through constituent assembly elections. Similar to the British Bill of Rights, legal safeguards need to be put in place establishing the supremacy of the Parliament and sovereignty of the people, to prevent the history of 2017 B.S. or February 1 ever repeating again. Either way, the responsibility of taming the Maoists, forming the government and the modus operandi of the constitutional changes will be left to the Parliament.
Since the Maoists do not have any representation, the restoration of the Parliament offers a litmus test to their claim of political transformation. The Maoists are clearly envious of the recent successes of the SPA’s peaceful movement. In launching civil and economic rather than military attacks against the government, SPA has demonstrated that peaceful economic defiance is more effective and more appropriate in today’s economic world order. Nevertheless, the restoration of the Parliament would oblige the Maoists to tilt more towards the SPA’s peaceful methods and towards their permanent disarmament.
A cursory review of the British history reveals that the Parliament was dissolved a number of times but later re-instated, even after as many as 11 years. The timely restoration of the Parliament would be a meeting point between the three forces in Nepal and a quick way out towards getting the country back on track. History may look back at the beginning of this new year as Nepal’s own “glorious revolution” for long-term peace and prosperity of the country.
(Rajesh B. Shrestha, currently based in the UK is one of the organisers of London Chhalphal (www.london-chhalphal.org). Please send your comments to [email protected] or [email protected])
(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])
As the nationwide general strike called by the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) entered into the 12th day on Monday, residents of the Kathmandu valley are suffering from acute shortage of petroleum products and essential goods.
Very few vehicles could be seen in the streets on Monday morning.
People queue up infont of a shop to buy kerosene in Buddhanagar. The Nepal Oil Corporation has said there was enough stock of petroleum products in Kathmandu, Monday Apr 17 06, nepalnews.com/rr
All the petrol pumps owned by the private sector remain closed and there was huge queue of vehicles in front of the Sajha Petrol Pump at Pulchowk. The petrol pump being operated by the Royal Nepalese Army at Bhadrakali is likely to resume selling petrol from around 11:00 a. m. on Monday, army officials said.
Talking to Nepalnews, Ikshya Bikram Thapa, Manager at Thankot depot of the state-owned Nepal Oil Corporation, which supplies petroleum products to the valley, said the NOC had been unable to maintain supplies of the petroleum products in the Kathmandu valley over the last few days due to adverse political situation of the country.
He said that the depot provided only 36,000 liters of petrol and diesel and 50,000 liters of kerosene on Sunday. “In normal days, we used to supply 150,000 liters of petrol, 180,000 liters of diesel and 200,000 liters of Kerosene,” he added.
According to Thapa, the depot does not have sufficient stock of petroleum products, so if the general strike continues for some more days there will be scarcity of petroleum products.
“We are trying to import petroleum products but could not be able to do so due to high risk,” he added.
The NOC officials held a meeting on Sunday, along with officials from security agencies and representatives of petroleum dealers, to discuss alternative strategies to resume supply of POL products in the capital. NOC officials could not be reached for comments.
People queue up infont of a shop to buy kerosene in Buddhanagar. The Nepal Oil Corporation has said there was enough stock of petroleum products in Kathmandu, Monday Apr 17 06, nepalnews.com/rr
The situation is such that people have begun to store whatever food and other essential items they can get hold of. The indefinite strike has also hit the prices of essential commodities. Scarcity of cooking gas, salt and kerosene has left consumers worried.
When contacted by Nepalnews, Sales Manager of Salt Trading Corporation (STC), Bhagbati Rana, said STC has enough stock of salt for six more months. She further said that the problem may have surfaced due to the lack of local transportation facilities due to strike.
“We have enough stock of salt and sugar but very few people are coming to purchase it due to the strike. That may be the reason for scarcity in the market,” she added.
All the vehicles of long and short routes remain off-the road due to the strike. People were seen queuing at the domestic counter of the Royal Nepalese Airlines to buy tickets to remote areas. “I had arrived in Kathmandu for the treatment of my relative. No buses are plying out of the capital and air tickets are also not available,” said Lil Bahadur Oli, a resident of mid-western district of Rolpa.
City dwellers worried as the political uncertainty is likely to lead to further crisis and chaos in the Capital. The capital heavily depends on the goods imported from other parts of the country.
The price of vegetables has also soared s the supply system of the capital has been badly affected due to the general strike.
According to Arjun Prasad Aryal, Deputy Director at the Kalimati Fruits and Vegetable Market Development Committee, only 130 metric tons of vegetables and fruits entered into the Kalimati market on Sunday. On normal days, the supply of vegetables and fruits into the Kalimati market amounted to 450 metric tones on an average.
Aryal further informed that the price of vegetables has gone up by more than 100 percent. The price of onion, lemon and potato had soared due to the strike. The price of onion has touched a record high of Rs 80 per kg at Kalimati wholesale market. Retailers have been selling onions at as much as Rs 95 per kg. Prior to the strike, onion used to cost only Rs 15 per kg.
As both the political parties and the government look indifferent to the problems being faced by the consumers, difficulties being faced by the ordinary people keeps mounting.
“If the general strike continues for the next few days, people will have no other option left than to take to the streets en mass,” said Rajesh Shrestha, a resident of Buddha Nagar. nepalnews.com Pratibedan Baidya Apr 17 06
By Hari Bansha Dulal
Dr. Alok K. Bohara
It did not take very long for the gain of mass movement of 1990 to dissipate. Fifteen years and we are back to the square one once again chanting anti monarchy slogans, burning tyres, vandalizing public properties, and behaving more like goons than civilized human beings.
Our politicians seem to have learnt everything but Gandhian philosophy of non-violence from Indian leaders. Mahatma Gandhi hoped to win people over by changing their hearts and minds, and advocated non violence in all things. Gandhian philosophy which crumbled British Empire seems to have no buyers in the next door neighbor. Have we become more pessimistic over time and think a peaceful struggle for democracy against the tide? Or as a society, have we have become more egoistic? If we start valuing vendetta over morality, vendetta becomes our morality. We will start viewing things more and more from a teleological perspective: that as long as we are better off in the end; we have not committed an immoral act.
We can win hearts and minds of people through non-violent struggle. No guns or brick pieces are needed to bring the repressive, autocratic regime to its knees. Its foundation shall eventually crack due to its own misdeeds and repressive practices. Democracy in Nepal can and should be achieved through peaceful struggle and processes without destroying public properties. The era of nations achieving their independence through armed struggles and terrorist activities has passed. Thus it is not a matter of if but when.
Sooner or later we shall prevail as a democratic nation. However, our ability to strengthen democracy and keep it functional remains highly questionable. Moral bankruptcy among the political leaders was the major source of our failure in the past. Hopefully our leaders have learned a lesson this time. If not, Feb 1 shall repeat in some form or the other. It does not have to be royal take over. Thus, a million dollar question right now is: What would our leaders do differently than they did after the fall of Panchayat regime in 1990 that would strengthen democracy and make Nepal prosperous? Our ability to thrive as a prosperous and democratic nation solely depends on that. After 50 years of independence, Pakistan is still unable to solidify its democratic structure mainly because its leaders did not bother to take care of peoples’ aspirations.
Democracy in Nepal can and should be achieved through peaceful struggle and processes without destroying public properties. The era of nations achieving their independence through armed struggles and terrorist activities has passed.
If our leaders continued with their old habits, coming generations will have to fight for democracy again in future. This is mainly because failure to deliver development benefits and control corruption shall invite February 1st again and again in some form or the other. Insurgencies will easily flourish as impoverished societies are hot beds for insurgent movements. Thus, our leaders instead of engaging themselves in tongue lashing should come up with clear vision and plan about as and what they would do differently this time. Hard earned democracy did not last long because the rent-seeking coalition between business and politics served to fuel corruption and violence in the body politic of Nepal.
Easy money earned through illegal means was used to sustain a new class of political elites who remained immune from the forces of law enforcement because of their political status and connection. Nepal as a state was not driven by a clearly articulated vision of its leadership. Democratic structures started to tremble mainly because none of the prime ministers and their junior colleagues who held office in Nepal over the last decade appeared to be driven by a sense of mission to transform the society in a particular direction. The lack of developmental vision amongst the leadership in Nepal was compounded by their weak commitment to realize the importance of such a vision. Popular disillusionment occurred mainly due to the failure of the state to deliver expected democratization of local social relations and political authority, continuing poverty and a widening gap between have and have-nots, and widespread frustration with corruption at all levels of government.
Political parties should realize there mistakes and pledge non confrontational style of politics in a new democratic Nepal. This would help promote political dialogue to build a consensus behind a development agenda. Parliament should not be abused as an arena for rhetorical exchanges rather than a vehicle for political consensus building. Politicians should make a pledge in public that they will abandon their ill practices of the past and work for peace, prosperity, and stability in Nepal. Indulging in immoral acts of burning and destroying public property that we built through the tax payers’ money over the last 15 years is mockery of our own achievement.
(Dulal is a Doctoral candidate of Environmental Science and Public Policy at George Mason University, Virginia, USA. Please send your comments to [email protected] or [email protected])
(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])
At least Rs 10 million has been raised as of Saturday evening for the treatment of those injured during the democracy protests.
According to reports, the amount touched Rs 5.2 million at Kathmandu Model Hospital alone by Saturday. Likewise, separate funds have been raised at TU Teaching Hospital, Om Hospital, Nepal Medical College and Nepal Medical Association. Altogether, the amount is estimated to have crossed 10 million as of Saturday.
Report quoted, Krishna Jung Rayamajhi, former Supreme Court justice and advisor to the Janaandolan Fund raised at Kathmandu Model Hospital, as saying that the overwhelming participation of people from all quarters in society in the ongoing movement had made it possible to raise such a large amount of money. “The continued support from the people has amply shown that the movement is backed by the masses,” Rayamajhi said.
As part of the ongoing voluntary contribution to treatment funds, tourism entrepreneurs in the Thamel area have collected Rs 132,665 as of Saturday.
Likewise, Nepal Medical Association has opened a bank account, No. 21228-11, at Nepal Bank Limited, Dharmapath for providing treatment to those injured in the pro-democracy movement.
In a similar move, Supporters of Democratic Movement at KMC-9, Sinamangal collected Rs 27,783.
At least Rs 400,000 has been collected for a treatment fund in Pokhara.
Likewise in Damouli, the Rotary Club and the Joint Movement Committee have collected Rs 22,000 and Rs 20,000 respectively for the same purpose.
Meanwhile, the Spinal Injury Rehabilitation Center here in Kathmandu has announced it will provide free treatment to those receiving spinal injuries during the ongoing democratic protest. nepalnews.com pb Apr 16 06