In an open letter to the Kathmandu-based envoys, civil society detainees at Duwakot, Bhaktapur concede that the king is not prepared to transfer sovereign power to the people
To the Ambassadors
Of the European Union member states,
The United States, India, China,
and the Representative of the United Nations.
23 April 2006
Duwakot, Bhaktapur District
Excellencies,
We civil society detainees, kept at the Duwakot Armed Police barrack, believe that your governments’ welcoming response to Friday’s address by King Gyanendra was based on a misperception of Nepali political reality and a misreading of the address itself. Though surely based on the best of intentions, your reaction has needlessly delayed a peaceful transition in the country at a critical hour, when millions of Nepalis are on the streets agitating for an immediate return to democracy. This show of people’s solidarity carried out massively and peacefully all over the country and in Kathmandu Valley, deserves more respect than has been accorded by the international community.
While the royal address certainly indicated a step back by the king, and it might even have been adequate sometime ago, at the given moment it was grievously misplaced in both tone and substance. In terms of tone: the king justified his 1 February 2005 coup d’etat; spoke in favour of the security forces despite their dubious record; did not acknowledge the need to engage the Maoist rebels; and ignored the incredible show of people power on the streets whose essential demand is that kingship be abolished or made absolutely powerless.
In terms of substance, the king has talked about returning power that had been given to him for ‘safekeeping’, when the fact is that the events of 4 October 2002 and 1 February 2005 represented a naked power grab. Further, the king is not the custodian of sovereignty, which is naturally inherent in the people under the constitution of 1990 and it is not up to him to hand it back to the people.
Most importantly, those who welcome the royal address seem to believe that the king has unequivocally conceded sovereignty to the Nepali people. This is not our reading. Nowhere does ‘sovereign’ or ‘sovereignty’ occur in the Nepali original, unlike in the translation, apparently provided by the royal palace, where there is reference to “source of sovereign authority”. In the Nepali original, the king refers to “state power remaining with the people” as part of listing the terms of reference of the government to be formed. This phrase is included only in passing, and does not amount to the king conceding sovereignty as residing in the people.
According to two jurists, both framers of the 1990 Constitution, who are included in our Duwakot group, ‘state power’ does not by any stretch of imagination translate as ‘sovereign authority’. We believe that there is a sleight of hand involved here, by a royal palace intent on misleading the embassies. Overall, we conclude that the king is not prepared to transfer sovereign power.
As things stand, what king Gyanendra has asked the political parties to do is to set up a government with ‘executive power’ but without legislative authority. In substance and form, this government would have the same authority, under the much-maligned Article 127 of the Constitution, as given to governments constituted thrice and disbanded as many times by the king between October 2002 and February 2005. The government would be an executive at the king’s command, meant to take responsibility for the excesses committed under the royal direct rule. It would only have the power over day-to-day administration, without authority to undo the ordinances, appointments, and other actions of the king during his period of active rule. Because the executive would act without the backing of a legislature, the king would be the authority of last resort, retaining the power of dismissing the sitting prime minister.
Given the royal palace’s record, we know that the government to be formed would be hindered at every step as the latter seeks to pursue the publicly announced seven-party roadmap for peace and democracy. Nor would this government have the authority ab initio to challenge the army’s current role and the ongoing militarisation of state and society by the royal regime. Further, the royal address seeks to retain the link of loyalty between the king and the army. This is a far cry from what is needed: a government that works on the mandate of the People’s Movement and not that of the royal palace. In sum, the king’s grudging concession does not address the great issues that cry out for resolution.
We appeal to your excellencies to also recall the many times that the royal palace has played the game of deception with you, and to introspect whether king Gyanendra, retaining all the powers as head of state not responsible to a legislature, will allow any forthcoming government to act independently. Your attitude seems to be “the king has given this much, take it and make the best of it”. Unfortunately, neither the political parties nor we here in Duwakot, are confident that the royal palace will not intervene in the workings of the executive to be formed. This would be in line with the historical record of the royal palace victimizing the people whenever there has been a move toward genuine democracy.
We ask you, in the hours and days ahead, to be more alert to royal machinations and to support the political parties as they challenge the royal palace. For our part, we would hope that the political parties make a pro-active announcement and cease the moment. There is a need for such an initiative in order to prevent anarchy and dangerous collapse of state structures. For this, the political parties should unilaterally declare restoration of the Third Parliament and/or announce a parallel government. Thereafter, they should consult with the Maoist rebels who have credibly indicated their intention to enter open politics, and announce elections to an unconditional constituent assembly. We hope that the international community will come forward with immediate recognition of such a unilateral declaration, required to prevent Nepal from sinking into the pit of one kind of extremism or another. In such an evolution, we see no role for king Gyanendra other than as a mute spectator.
Please note, Excellencies, that this is the only path to stability in Nepal which both the Nepali masses and the international community want so keenly. The world community, which has harboured such enormous goodwill for the Nepali people and which has been party to our nation-building and development efforts for more than five decades, must respect the maturity of the Nepali political discourse which is speeding the current, exhilarating People’s Movement. Please also note, Excellencies, the kingship is not indispensable for the maintenance of Nepali nationhood, and that it should henceforth remain, if at all, at the cognisance of Nepal’s 26 million citizens.
The latest announcement by the Indian Foreign Secretary, about respecting the will of the people of Nepal, we believe, provides a corrective to the error evident in the Indian government’s initial welcome note. The Indian corrective, we believe, should be emulated by all other international players who wish the Nepali people well.
Sincerely,
Signed by:
Anubhav Ajeet
Bimal Aryal
Laxman Prasad Aryal, former Justice, Supreme Court of Nepal
Ramesh Bhattarai
Kanak Mani Dixit, Editor, Himal Southasian magazine
Dr. Saroj Dhital
Daman Nath Dhungana, Former Speaker, House of Representatives
Arjun Parajuli, poet
Bhasker Gautam, Martin Chautari
Dr. Madhu Ghimire
Dr. Mahesh Maskey
Dr. Sarad Wanta
Dr. Bidur Osti
Dr. Bharat Pradhan
Charan Prasai, President, Human Rights Organisation of Nepal
Padma Ratna Tuladhar, former minister and Human Rights leader
Malla K. Sunder
Rupak Adhikari
The local authorities have lifted day-long curfew in the capital from 7 p. m. on Sunday.
Earlier, the authorities had announced day-time curfew from 9:00 a. m. till 8:00 p. m. on Sunday.
Meanwhile, in a statement, the Home Ministry said curfew had to be imposed in the capital, Kathmandu, to protect lives and property from unwanted elements. It also begged apology with the general public for the inconvenience caused due to the curfew.
Nepali capital remains under continuous curfew for the last four days.
nepalnews.com by Apr 23 06
The Nepali Congress (NC) has welcomed the latest position of the Indian ruling establishment regarding the royal proclamation of Friday in which the King announced to return power to the people and called on the agitating seven-party alliance (SPA) to name a new prime minister.
Issuing a press release Sunday, NC general secretary Kul Bahadur Gurung said that India’s latest view on the royal address that it didn’t adequately address the prevailing political turmoil is welcome.
On Monday, a day after India formally welcomed the King’s address, Indian Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran in a statement said King Gyanendra needs to do more and that India supports the democratic forces in Nepal.
Meanwhile, various professional organisations have urged the United Nations, which has described the royal proclamation as a positive step, to reconsider its position and extend support to the ongoing pro-democracy movement.
Representatives of NGO Federation Nepal and Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ) met with Mathew Kahane, Nepal representative of the UN, this afternoon reminded him that the UN secretary general’s statement welcoming the King’s proclamation was hasty and that it failed to grasp the sentiment of millions of Nepali people who have been protesting it as a ploy to contain the pro-democracy movement.
“The UN’s response has come in a hurry. It does not respect the spirit and the sentiment of the masses that have been protesting against the royal address,” president of NGO Federation Dr Arjun Karki told reporters after meeting with the UN representative.
Similarly, FNJ president Bishnu Nisthuri said, “People have been actively participating in the movement for democracy despite the ruthless clampdown by the government. “In this context the international community including the UN should stand in favour of the Nepali people.”
Participants of the meeting said Kahane informed them that the UN had been conducting a detailed analysis of the royal address and that he would convey these concerns to the top authority of the world body. nepalnews.com mk Apr 23 06
The agitating seven-party alliance (SPA) announced fresh nationwide protests on Sunday, vowing to bring a mass of 2 million people in the capital, Kathmandu, on Tuesday.
A meeting of the Central People’s Movement Coordination Committee held today announced to stage Ring Road-centred peaceful demonstrations in Kathmandu and protest rallies in all cities and towns around the country on Tuesday.
Issuing a statement after the meeting, the committee said as many as 2 million people will take part in Tuesday’s demonstrations in Kathmandu. Top leaders of the SPA will address the mass meetings following the peaceful demonstrations.
According to the statement, Nepali Congress (NC) president Girija Prasad Koirala will address a mass gathering at Narayangopal Chowk, CPN (UML) general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal at Kalanki, NC (D) president Sher Bahadur Deuba at Gongabu and Amik Sherchan at Satdobato. Similarly, Nepal Workers and Peasants Party chairman Narayan Bijukchhe, Nepal Sadbhawana Party (Anandi Devi) vice-chairman Bharat Bimal Yadav and United Left Front’s Bishnu Bahadur Manahandhar will address the mass meetings at Koteshwor, Sitapaila and Chabahil respectively. The demonstrations will be carried out from interior parts of the city and along the stretch of Ring Road from 1:00 p.m. to 4:00 p.m.
Torch rallies, peaceful marches and mass gatherings would be organised in Kathmandu and elsewhere on Monday. Major demonstrations will be staged in districts on Tuesday against the royal address of Friday, according to the committee. nepalnews.com mk Apr 23 06
Kalanki area, the western outskirts of Kathmandu, which has been the main flashpoint of the ongoing pro-democracy movement, still remained restive on the 18th day of the nationwide general strike called by the seven opposition parties Sunday, as protesters frequently clashed with security personnel.
Carrying flags of parties, tens of thousands of agitators assembled at Kalanki Chowk, which has been declared ‘Loktantra Chowk’ by the protesters, and chanted slogans against the royal address of Friday and warned the SPA against compromising with the King.
The protesters came from Kirtipur, Balkhu, Naikap, Sitapaila and other suburbs. They defied the curfew orders, taking charge of the street for some time before the security force rained lathis (batons) on them and fired teargas shells.
Security presence remained as tight as in previous days in the area. Riot police were in battle position on the front carrying batons and behind them were Armed Police Force soldiers while army men formed the 3rd layer.
While a relatively small crowd kept on chanting slogans against the royal proclamation at the main intersection, a huge crowd moved towards Balaju on which riot police charged batons and fired teargas shells, injuring at least a dozen.
At around 5:00 police fired shots in the air and charged batons on protesters who gathered in thousands clashed with police. Human rights workers present on the scene told Nepalnews that few protesters received minor injuries in the clash but no major casualties took place.
With burning tyres and bricks and stones littering the road the entire area looked like a battlefield. Red Cross officials, medical volunteers from different health institutions and UN officials were present in the area at the prospect of the agitation turning ugly.
Kalanki has witnessed protest rallies everyday since the start of the nationwide general strike of the SPA on April 6 but angry mass protests have become everyday routine after Thursday when three protesters – some say four – were shot dead by security forces and over 100 others were wounded. Furious protesters had burned down a government office, a police beat and three motorbikes of the traffic police. nepalnews.com Mohan Khadka Apr 23 06
As political crisis deepens in Nepal, a senior official with the International Monetary Fund has said the Himalayan kingdom needs stability first to pursue reform agenda.
“Nepal needs political stability before it can tackle a large economic reform agenda, David Burton, the International Monetary Fund’s director for Asia, said on Sunday, in an interview.”They need political stability and an end to the insurgency to get things going in Nepal,” Burton told Reuters news agency in Washington D.C.
“Their need is to get growth going, get reforms going, get pro-growth policies going,” he said of Nepal—one of the world’s poorest countries even before it plunged into political crisis 14 months ago. “We haven’t completed any reviews for some time and it’s hard to implement sensible policies in the current environment,” said Burton
Meanwhile, IMF country office in Kathmandu has refuted reports that IMF has pulled out its country representative in Nepal amidst deteriorating security situation in the country.
When contacted by Nepalnews, an economist at the IMF’s country office at Baluwatar said on Monday that these reports were not true and that IMF country representative in Nepal, Sukhwinder Singh, was on leave. nepalnews.com by Apr 23 06
It is high time the street mayhem be brought to a close before things go out of hand
By Ratna S. Shrestha
My greetings to all of us in Nepal on the occasion of “Rhododendron Revolution”. I am also one of those that believe that what the king did was “too little, too late.” I am not satisfied at all.
The demands of this “revolution” are:
1) Interim government
2) Reinstatement of Parliament
3) Constituent Assembly.
Based on the King’s address on Friday, I now firmly believe that all three are now on the table and available.
The new cabinet to be formed, in the absence of an elected parliament, will be the Interim Government – parallel to what we had in 1990 – with full authority under Article 35 of the Constitution of 1990, in accordance with public commitment made by the king yesterday.
Armed with executive authority, the new cabinet can re-instate parliament. What remains to be done is just a recommendation of the cabinet, with executive authority, to the “constitutional king” who will have no choice but to approve it under the current constitution (article 35).
People have asked why didn’t the king himself do that and same question did come to my mind, too. But the answer is: once the king has renounced executive authority he does not have necessary authority to reinstate the parliament. Besides, if he were to try to reinstate the parliament before, it will still be under Article 127 and it will not be right. On the other hand the new cabinet can reinstate the parliament under Article 35 and that will represent popular support who are the sovereign of Nepal as enshrined in Article 3 of 1990 constitution, which has been reasserted by the king in his proclamation.
The reinstated parliament can even forge ahead towards constituent assembly if the parliament is so to decide. Here too, coming from the parliament, the call for constituent assembly will be a lot more legitimate than if the king was to do so, again under Article 127.
Therefore, it is high time the street mayhem be brought to a closebefore things go out of hand! Subsequent to Friday’s speech, security forces will be a bewildered lot and may not be too sure as to what is the right thing to do. In such a situation, unwanted elements may take undue advantage and things can even lead to anarchy.
My salute to the martyrs of the “Rhododendron Revolution” and sincere condolences to their families.
(Shrestha, a Kathmandu-based senior Chartered Accountant, is known for his frank views on contemporary affairs. Please send your comments to [email protected] or [email protected])
(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])
Rajesh B. Shrestha
CK Lal
An immediate restoration of parliament is the last chance to save thistottering monarchy
Nepali Times COMMENTARY by CK LAL
Ever since King Gyanendra began his phased coup with the dissolution of parliament in the dead of night in May 2002, a red-brick house at the end of a blind alley outside Ring Road in Maharjgunj has remained at the centre of oppositional politics.
In this two-storied house lives Girija Prasad Koirala, the octogenarian leader of seven party alliance (SPA) spearheading People’s Movement II for the restoration of democracy and peace. On Saturday Koirala nibas was once again at the epicentre of Nepali politics.
Angry that the king’s proclamation didn’t go far enough, thousands of party activists surrounded the house from early morning on Saturday urging their leaders huddled inside not to sell out.
The king erred grievously by not granting even a face saving device—the reactivation of parliament to those who still support a constitutional or ceremonial monarchy. Demonstrators in the streets will extract much more.
In an astounding contrast, envoys from EU countries, the Brits and the Americans were asking Koirala to convince his alliance partners that King Gyanendra’s announcement was a reliable basis of cooperation with the monarchy. This disconnect between domestic politics and international pressure is starker than it has ever been.
Later in the day as curfew was clamped and storm clouds gathered over the western rim of the Valley, politics triumphed over diplomacy. The alliance leaders decided to go ahead with the peaceful protests and even hand the king an ultimatum: restore parliament by Sunday or else.
How did these politicos dare thumb their noses at the international community? That’s what politics is all about: people power not plenipotentiaries.
Having known and worked with five kings (if you count King Dipendra, the only monarch in the world to have spent his entire reign in coma) Koirala has institutional memory of royal backstabbing. He knows the nature and culture of our kings better than all well-meaning diplomats put together. He instinctively knew that the royal address was high on rhetoric and low on substance.
The speech itself was a masterpiece of verbiage. In the entire speech, there are only six words that can’t be contested: “May Lord Pashupatinath bless us all.” Other than that, the speech of the Chairman of Council of Ministers was bad in law, in intent, in timing, in logic, and in morals.
The proclamation is as unconstitutional as all the putsches and powergrabs in the past: executive powers are not for the king to “return”, just as it was illegal for him to appropriate it for “safekeeping”. Article 35 expressly forbids the king from exercising the executive authority without the recommendation, advice, and consent of Council of Ministers.
The councils that the king has been forming and dissolving at will since October 2002 have no constitutional basis. The Supreme Court in its judgement over RCCC has said as much in as polite language as legalese would permit.
Because the intent is malafide instead of defusing the constitutional and political crisis, the king has complicated matters further by ignoring the six-point agenda of agitating parties. The address brushed aside the 12-point understanding between seven parties and what the king calls ‘those who have deviated from the constitutional path’—the Maoists.
The king erred grievously by not granting even a face saving device—the reactivation of parliament to those who still support a constitutional or ceremonial monarchy. Demonstrators in the streets will extract much more.
Had he wished to reactivate governance, the king should have begun his democratisation exercise by dismantling the infrastructure of autocracy. Illogically, he wants yet another premier to do his bidding.
With TADO in force, lawyers can’t withdraw their protests. The media ordinance has forced journalists out into the streets. Draconian civil service regulations and autocratic zonal administrators have made the life of bureaucrats unbearable. Labour laws enacted through royal fiat have enraged trade unions in every organised sector including banks and telecommunications. With increasing number of retired generals trampling their turf, foreign ministry officials are seething. No political party, not even Maoist rebels, can afford to ignore this demonstration of People Power II. And the king continues to ignore the concerns of just about everyone except the soldiery.
Concerns of a 21st century citizenry can’t be addressed with the structures of an 18th century monarchy. People want total change and all the king wants to do is tinker. The king is answerable to nobody, the leaders of the seven party alliance have to answer to the people in the streets and even the jungles to bring them to the mainstream.
An immediate restoration of parliament is perhaps the last chance to save this tottering monarchy. If party leaders too lost their standing by swallowing a compromise with the king as the international community demands, it will be the Maoists who will finally acquire the legitimacy they sought but never got.
Courtesy: Nepali Times
( Please send your comments to [email protected] or [email protected])
(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])
How could the king address the demand of constituent assembly within the framework of the present constitution?
By Sarad Bahadur Thapa
If one thinks very coolly and seriously, it is pity to say that Nepalese political parties are equally responsible as the king Gyanendra for the present state of Nepal. After 1990, the political parties badly misgoverned the country, forced Maoists to abandon the present constitution, spent most of the time in fighting to grab the power, many times untimely dissolved the parliaments without any logical reasons, dogged the constitutional crisis by unconstitutionally recommending king to postpone the election, and finally made door open for the king to interfere into politics. After unconstitutionally taking over power for one year, the king has already acknowledged his failure and finally gave up power to the people. It is now time for the political parties to control the situation and go ahead by realizing and analyzing their past mistakes too. It was the political parties who started derailing the present constitution in October 2003 by recommending the king to postpone the general election by more than a year nearly after 5 months of former elected Prime Minister Deuba dissolved the House of Representatives. However, Nepali constitution clearly states that new parliamentary meeting must be held within 6 months after the parliament is dissolved. With this recommendation, king was invited to step into the politics to cope with the constitutional crisis.
Moreover, it was the political parties who never listened to Maoists in the past and forced them to take the politics of violence. It is not necessary to describe here that the Maoist problem is the origin of all the present days’ crisis. Now, once again the political parties have got a great opportunity with the sacrifice of more than a dozen people within two weeks to rectify themselves and drive the country into right path. They must take this opportunity very positively and take responsibility to give peace and prosperity to highly frustrated Nepalese people. They should not hesitate to reconcile with the king for the sake of people and the country in long run. They must take the lessons from the recent history of Afghanistan, Cambodia, and Iran. Meantime, they should not forget the history of monarchy in Nepal and their great contribution to find today’s Nepal. If they decide to confront with the king further, finally it will be the Maoists who will take control of the country’s politics. In this case, country must go for another revolution like in other communist countries and that time not only 14 but 140,000 people will die. None of today’s leaders and so-called intellectuals would be alive then. Many of them would be killed like Ganesh Chiluwal (president of Nepal Maoist Victims Association).
Meantime, the demand of constituent assembly is also not justified. And especially for
Seven parties and so called leaders of civil societies, it is ridiculous to make such demand which reflects nothing more than their stupidity. Why?
1. First of all, one must understand that was it the present constitution that stopped political parties to implement their policies for socio economic development of Nepal? If yes, could they describe which clauses are hindrances? Was it not possible to amend these clauses in parliament? Why did not they try to do so?
2. If they feel now that the constituent assembly is only one solution to change the face of the country, then why did not they agree with the Maoists and support them in the past? Why did then they carry the policy of suppressing Maoists by using military force? Who should take responsibility of death of those thousands of people in the Maoist violence?
3. Is the written sentence or the honest implementation of the constitution important to drive the country into right path?
4. Who can guarantee that the constitution written by such an Assembly would be valid for coming generation or to the people who would be defeated in the assembly election? Should the nation always go for such assembly if some quarters of the society demand new assembly again?
5. What will happen if the assembly decides Nepal should be united to India or China?
6. What will happen if the assembly decides to go for communism or absolute monarchism or some other form of extremism?
There is also technical difficulty to go for the constituent assembly. In one hand, political parties and civil societies put their demand of the constituent assembly in front of the king. On the other hand, they say king must remain within the framework of the present constitution. So far I understood the main reason behind the current protests is king’s overstepping of the present constitution. Now, how could the king address the demand of constituent assembly within the framework of the present constitution? Does this mean if the king acts in favor of political parties then his unconstitutional move could be bearable to political parties? If it is so then it is completely unfair. Hence, the demand of constituent assembly is totally illogical and all the conscious people should think about such demand very carefully before arguing for it.
If the seven party alliance decides to confront with the king further, finally it will be the Maoists who will take control of the country’s politics.
The best solution for Nepal is to continue with the present constitution with necessary amendments. There is nothing wrong with this constitution. What is important is its effective implementation. Recently political parties have established good relationship with Maoists and they must use this opportunity to convince them that the parliamentary election would be free and fair under their leadership. They can ask Maoists to join the government to ensure free and fair elections. If Maoists believe on people’s power they must join the government to hold the parliamentary election. If Nepali people want Maoists to come into power, nobody should block them to form the government and help them from all sectors including the international communities to implement their revolutionary programs to make new and progressive Nepal within the framework of present constitution.
Thapa is a research scientist at the Optoelectronics Department in the University of Ulm, Ulm, Germany. Please send your comments to [email protected] or [email protected]
(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])
Pro-democracy activists have started taking out to the street from early morning on Saturday against the royal proclamation of Friday.
Pro-democracy activists organized demonstrations in various parts of the capital from early morning.
Cadres of political parties took out to the streets in various districts of the country terming it as a ploy and saying it did not address the demands raised by the seven political parties.
According to reports, demonstrations are on in Nepalgunj, Bardia, Butwal, Chitwan, Birgunj, Biratnagar, Pokhara and other parts of the country demanding election of the constituent assembly. They warned the political parties not to compromise until the demands of the political parties, that is, reinstatement of House of Representatives and elections to the constituent assembly, are met.
Hundreds of thousands people took out to the street on Friday in major towns in various districts across the country on the 16th day of the ongoing movement for democracy.
In Rautahat and Ramechhap districts, agitators erased “His Majesty’s Government” from signboards of various government offices and replaced the phrase with “Nepal Government”.
In Charikot district’s headquarters Dolakha, teachers, students, legal practitioners, health workers, labourers, industrialists, businessmen, farmers, professionals, human rights activists and political parties organised separate rallies.
In Besisahar of Lamjung district, broom-wielding agitators took out a rally at the call of local NGOs and Mother’s group.
Civil servants in Lamjung supported the pro-democracy movement by sporting black armbands. They also set ablaze many portraits of archaeological value at Lamjung palace.
The seven parties organised a rally in Simra, according to reports. Farmers took out a spade rally while other workers held a bicycle rally in Simra. Agitators vandalised half-a-dozen vehicles en route to Kathmandu under police escort. The parties also held a rally in Kalaiya. Sportspersons joined the rally along with human rights activists to protest police intervention in peaceful demonstrations, according to reports.
A report from Chitwan said 54 organisations organised a street play in Nawalparasi’s Gaidakot. The King was roundly criticised in that.
Hotel entrepreneurs in Dhadingbesi staged a massive rally in support of the movement. They were joined by political workers, teachers, government employees, women, hotel workers and legal practitioners.
In Rupandehi, protesters staged a large rally from Pushpa Lal Park to Media Chowk.
In Gaighat, employees of district-based government offices, banks and corporations stopped work. Bank employees refused to work until the restoration of democracy.
In Ramechhap, the district hospital workers halted work in all departments except the emergency department.
In Pyuthan, civil servants and teachers staged a demonstration in Khalanga, the district headquarters. The protest was organised by the Federation of Professionals’ Unions. For the last five days, the workers have been staging a pen-down and also sporting black armbands.
In Rautahat, protesters rallied in Chandranigahapur. Central member of the CPN-UML Purushottam Poudel urged top leaders not to succumb to any regressive ploy. Bir Bahadur Waiba, central member of Janamorcha Nepal said peace and monarchy were incompatible. The agitators also vandalised the building of the district traffic police office. nepalnews.com pb Apr 22 06