The Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) has urged the government not to misuse the Public Safety Act and the Public Offences Act against former Ministers and uphold the rule of law.

A press statement issued by the ACHR said “While the dismissal of Inspector General of the Nepal Police, Shyam Bhakta Thapa, Inspector General of the Armed Police Force, Shahabir Thapa, and NID head, Devi Ram Sharma is indispensable to prevent destruction, tampering of evidence and misuse of official powers, the arrest of the ministers under the Public Safety Act is unwarranted.”

“The government should have waited the conclusion of the Justice Krishna Jung Rayamajhi Commission of Inquiry before making any arrest of the former Ministers for alleged violations of human rights,” the statement quoted Suhas Chakma, Director of Asian Centre for Human Rights as saying.

The government arrested five Ministers of the royal cabinet, then Home Minister Kamal Thapa, Foreign Minister Ramesh Nath Pandey, Minister for Local development Tanka Dhakal, minister of state for Information and Communications, Shrish Shumsher Rana and former Assistant Minister for Health Nikshya Shumsher Rana and suspended nine security officials.

The statement further said the Public Safety Act or the Public Offences Act must not be used to throttle the freedom of expression. All accused must be arrested under normal law of the land such as Muluki Ain (Civil Code).

“The Public Safety Act and the Public Offences Act are instruments of the monarchy of Nepal that have been consistently used to suppress the pro-democracy uprisings. However, the democratic governments of Nepal failed to repeal these draconian Acts and are presently using the same Acts,” the ACHR said.

ACHR urged the government of Nepal to repeal the Public Safety Act and Public Offences Act and suspend Royal Nepal Army Chief, Pyar Jung Thapa, for a fair inquiry.

“The Inquiry Commission must bear in mind that all the illegal acts and human rights violations have been done under the leadership of King Gyanendra as the Chairman of the Council of Ministers and investigate the chain of command accordingly,” Chakma further added.

Following the political development of the country, the index of Nepal Stock Exchange (Nepse) continued to perform well thanks to the better performance of commercial banks.

The Nepse index posted an impressive rise of 13.02 points over the week, reaching its index to 381.70 points on Thursday, the last day of the trading under a regular lot from 368.68 points on Sunday, the opening day of the share transaction.

The Nepse had registered a handsome growth of 5.36 points last week as well.

A total of 391,864 unit shares were traded on a turnover of Rs 188.2 million throughout the week. During the previous week, 299,376 unit shares worth Rs 136.5 million were transacted.

Group-wise share trading shows that commercial banks group posted a steady rise of 17.31 points reaching its index to 439.42 points from 422.11 points. The index of the manufacturing group registered a growth of 10.13 points, reaching its index to 289.81 points from 279.68 points. Insurance and finance groups also gained, as their indices increased to 347.71 points and 252.65 points, up from 346.21 points and 246.08 points respectively.

The development banks group suffered loss reaching its index down to 285.75 points from 287.94 points. The index of the others group fell to 363.49 points, down from 364.97 points.

The trading and the hotel groups, meanwhile, saw no change in their index and remained constant at 141.27 points and 178.84 points respectively throughout the week.

The commercial banks group continued to dominate the Nepse floor by capturing 91.80 percent share. The share of finance group comprised 4.33 percent of the total transactions, while the insurance group followed it by 2.79 percent.

The development bank group was able to capture 1.04 percent and the manufacturing group had 0.02 percent share, while the hotel and the other group each had a mere 0.01 percent.

Chief of Protocol of the foreign Ministry Yug Nath Sharma (Poudel) passed away at the age of 56 on Sunday.

According to Foreign Ministry Sources, he died at around 7.45 a.m. Sunday morning.

A sugar patient, Sharma died en route to a hospital this morning after he fainted in his residence.

He had been working as Chief of Protocol at the Foreign Ministry since the last one year.

His last rites was performed at the Pashuapti Aryaghat, this afternoon.

Deputy Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, who also holds the foreign portfolio, went to Pashupati Aryaghat to pay homage to Sharma.

Chief of diplomatic missions were also present on the occasion, Chakra Subedi, an official at the foreign ministry told Nepalnews.

Late Sharma is survived by his wife, one daughter and three sons.

A group of students vandalized Free Students Union (FSU) office in central campus Kirtipur on Sunday following clash between two student groups.

Students of the central department informed Nepalnews over telephone that a group of students led by joint general secretary of the FSU Saroj Yadav vandalized the office after they were beaten by another group of students.

The Saroj Yadav group was beaten by another group of students after they tried to displace students of girls hostel of the central campus.

A student was seriously injured in the incident. All furniture and office equipment were destroyed.

Meanwhile, Master’s level students of Journalism and Mass Communication Department of the Tribhuvan University situated at Ratna Rajya Laxmi Campus locked the department office, demanding resignation of its head Lal Deusa Rai and a favourable learning environment.

The students said the Head of the Department failed to lead as per the aspiration of the students.

The students said that marking system was incorrect and ‘biased’. Many students complained that students who did not attend regular classes scored highest marks in practical exams.

Maoist detainees have started a fast-unto-death strike in Nakhu jail of the capital from Sunday demanding early release of all political detainees.

A team of Maoist detainees led by Krishna KC and Himal Sharma started fast-unto-death strike after organizing a relay hunger strike for a week.

They started protest programmes demanding release of political detainees and fulfillment of their other demands.

They warned that they will organize various protest programmes to pressurize the government to fulfill their demands.

Maoist have been demanding release of all political detainees and publicizing the whereabouts of all people disappeared by the state as pre-conditions of talks.

The government has released nearly 100 Maoist cadres including two senior leaders Matrika Yadav and Suresh Ale Magar. However the Maoists want the government to release nearly 1,300 Maoist cadres from across the country.

The government removed the red corner notice and terrorist tag from the Maoists as per the 12-point pact between them and the political parties.

A 12-year-old boy was killed and two others were seriously wounded when a bomb, which could have been left behind the Maoists, went off in Devdaha VDC-7, Rupendehi district, Sunday.

The blast killed Amrit Thapa, who was living in Mayadevi Orphanage based in the area, on the spot while two other children were injured this morning, reports said. The bomb went off when they were playing with it.

The two injured kids, who also belonged to the same orphanage, are undergoing treatment at Lumbini Zonal Hospital, reports added.

Kristina Kovacevic, a German trekker, has been missing in the Everest region since last two months as the concerned authorities here have not taken any steps for her rescue.

Kristina Kovacevic, a German trekker, has been missing in the Everest region since last two months. Photo Nepalnews)

Kristina Kovacevic, a German trekker, has been missing in the Everest region since last two months. (File Photo)
“I am totally shocked at the way Nepalese government has responded to this matter,” Caroline Stallcup, younger sister of Kristina, who arrived in Kathmandu two days ago in a bid to find her missing sister, said at a press conference in Kathmandu Sunday.

According to Caroline, her sister contacted her from an internet café in Namchebazar, Solukhumbu, on 13th March for the last time. During the conversation Kristina only mentioned about the ensuing political turmoil in Nepal then.

After that she went past Monzo in the Khumbu region where a checkpoint of the Department of Immigration (DoI) is based, which keeps records of foreigners passing by, but unfortunately the checkpoint had been closed at that time owing to the political unrest in the country, she said. No record of her entry could be found at the checkpoint.

Caroline also complained about the behavior of the officials at the DoI when she went there yesterday, seeking help for the rescue of her sister. She said that when she asked to exempt the rescue team of permit fee charged at the Monzo checkpoint, as the rescuers will have to travel to and fro the checkpoint, the director at the DoI rather asked her to contact the Nepal Police, Royal Nepalese Army or the Sagarmatha Pollution Control Committee, who could be in better position to help her.

To her dismay, not only the Nepalese government officials but also the German Embassy in Kathmandu is showing reluctance in helping Caroline find her missing sister. According to her, the German Embassy officials said the matter could be better handled by the Interpol.

German Embassy, she maintains, is obliged to help her in the rescue operation according to the German laws. “My sister is not a criminal to be handled by the Interpol,” she lamented. If the embassy denies help she would take the case to the highest political authority in Germany, she warned.

However, Caroline plans to meet the embassy official on Monday and beg for approval and other necessary help for the rescue operation before she heads for Lukla the next day.

“I have heard about the rescue operation held by the French and the American Embassy and expected same response from our country’s representatives here but they are not being cooperative,” she said.

Having had little experience in trekking, Caroline is determined that she would carry out the rescue mission at any cost and that she would not leave Nepal without finding her.

It’s fine if the Nepalese government or the German Embassy extend help, says she, asserting that he was even prepared to carry out the rescue operation on her own expenses as long as she can.

Newly elected Speaker of the House of Representative (HoR) Subash Nemwang has said a ‘historic political proclamation’ that aims to make the parliament all-powerful will be presented in the House on Tuesday.

Speaking at an interaction program organized by the Reporters’ Club Sunday, Nemwang said the proclamation to be presented before Tuesday’s HoR session would establish the supremacy of the parliament. Expressing belief that the groundbreaking dossier on parliamentary supremacy would be endorsed by the House, he said the parliament would work fully in the interest of the people.

Although he didn’t make any specific mention about the proclamation, media reports said it proposes, among other things, to massively slash the power of the King, turn His Majesty’s Government into ‘Nepal Government’, bring the army under the purview of the parliament and change it into ‘Nepal Army’ [from Royal Nepalese Army], impose tax on the income and properties of the King and his family.

The Speaker also informed that homework to formulate new regulations for the smooth functioning of the HoR was underway.

Nemwang, who was elected as the Speaker on Saturday, said even as he respected the Maoist demand that the reconvened parliament be dissolved right away, the parliament has momentous role to play in the present transitional phase.

“I respect the Maoist demand but we should not forget that country faced big problems in the absence of the parliament. The House of Representatives has a responsibility to successfully bring the country to an election to the constituent assembly,” said he.

Meanwhile, a meeting of the seven political parties this afternoon discussed the ‘parliamentary proclamation’, deciding to present in at tomorrow’s session for approval.

A meeting of the top leaders of the seven-party alliance early Monday will formally approve the dossier before it is presented in the parliament session, it is learnt.

Dr. Surya Dhungel
Dr. Surya Dhungel is a renowned constitution lawyer. Dhungel has a long experience of teaching constitutional law and has also practiced law for a number of years. Dhungel spoke to KESHAB POUDEL on issues related with constituent assembly. Excerpts:

How much assured are you of the proposed Constituent Assembly?

No matter what an individual thinks, efforts should be made by all the Nepalese and stakeholders, including the monarch, to work towards creating or agreeing on a suitable model of the Constituent Assembly through a fair, transparent and inclusive democratic process at the earliest. This is not an easy task, and the all concerned will have to responsibly contribute to the process with full vigilance and alertness. Managing a transitional process of change and governance is very challenging.

Do you think the newly elected CA would be able to resolve the current political and constitutional crises?

I am optimistic about the final outcome, provided we are able to convey a strong message to all that the Nepalese people and political parties are committed to a peaceful democratic transition and that the people and the civil society will not ever tolerate any direct or clandestine attempt from any quarters, both internal and external, to undermine the spirit of Jana Andolan. The national stakeholders should also be able to galvanize the support of the people, including the goodwill of the international community and friendly nations, for a constitutional transformation through a meaningful deliberation in the CA. The responsible role of political parties, especially the Seven Party Alliance and CPN (Maoists), will remain very critical throughout the constitution making process, and the Nepalese people have already made it clear that they will not forgive the political party leaders if they failed to manage their internal problems and betrayed the democratic causes by distorting the process.

How do you explain the CA?

The myth of a Constituent Assembly (CA) created by the 1951 Interim Constitution of Nepal is likely to be a reality in 2007. The people are given the impression by many political and civil society leaders that their sovereignty will be secured only when the newly elected CA adopts and promulgates a new Constitution, replacing the present one. Hence, the House of Representatives (HOR) took no time right after its restoration to approve a resolution proposed in the House for holding elections for the CA at the earliest in order to draft and promulgate a new Constitution of Nepal. With opportunities open for the CA to deliberate on all possible forms of government, including a republic, and make a choice under a new Constitution, in principle, all major demands of the CPN (Maoists) are met by the Seven Party Alliance (SPA), the HOR and the Government even without disarming the insurgent Maoists. Once the CPN (Maoists) joins the Government, doors for the Maoists would be open for advocating their agenda through the interim Government. This certainly will not be an easy process, as the Maoists are still in possession of arms and their ability to play a democratic role in an open and transparent political environment is yet to be seen.

What can the CA do?

I think, through an inclusive democratic exercises, the Constituent Assembly can only bridge the constitutional gaps that still remained in the 1990 constitution and bring about some structural changes if the Assembly members so decide. But it is the task of the political parties and leaders, not that of the Constituent Assembly, to resolve political crises. For this, we need to strengthen democratic and accountability institutions. Even the constitutional crisis was the creation of the politicians and aberration of the political process. The royal political ambition to unconstitutionally take over state power in October 2002 and February 2005, was in fact responsible for taking the political problems to a new culmination of Jana Andolan. The seed of political instability was initially sowed by the over decade long Maoist insurgency and political party leaders’ subsequent failures to address them.

If you are not sure that the new Constitution can address the nation’s problems, what else the Nepalese people can do to resolve them?

We must understand that no political problem in Nepal was ever created by the Constitution. As stated earlier, the repeated failure of the political leaders of all major political parties during the last few years to timely deal with and properly address the social, economic and political problems was in fact the main reason behind the Maoists’ violent insurgency also. Even the Maoist problem was not seriously tackled by any political forces of the day, including the monarchy. And no serious diplomatic effort was ever made to solicit support from the neighbouring nations and the international community to address the Maoist insurgency at its infancy. Offer of the United Nations to help resolve armed conflict was repeatedly ignored, and every subsequent government claimed that it is capable to address by its own. No government ever disclosed the truth about its refusal to accept UN offers. The King’s political ambition and authoritarian approach and mishandling of the situation further compounded the already growing chronic national problems. Every rational individual understands that such political problems cannot be addressed through a mere constitutional change. A political problem must be resolved by political actors through political means, and the Constitution cannot be blamed for the failure of the political forces and actors. The Nepalese Constitution has in fact become a victim of bad politics in Nepal. Over decade long Maoists’ armed insurgency has added serious human rights related problems also. I doubt whether the new political order and the CA can address the massive human rights problems, especially excessive abuse of human rights against children, women and innocent common people who were either killed, terrorized, abducted, detained or forcefully displaced.

What will be the role of political actors in the changed context?

Under the new political order, if the political parties and leaders of the country can rise above their petty political and personal interests and are prepared to work together in the interest of the Nepalese people and the nation, the democratic Constitutional framework will be an effective tool to ease their task to address the national problem under the rule of law. The politicians must themselves be able to play a role model in respecting the rule of law and human rights. They must not hesitate to take bold political decisions in the interest of the nation, but it has to be under the constitutional and democratic framework. The political movement that vehemently opposed the royal usurpation of state power against the Constitution, will never accept the politicians do the same in the name of restored parliament’s authority. Respect for constitutional norms and the rule of law should be paramount but in compliance with the spirit of the Jana Andolan.

If the CA also does not succeed to resolve the country’s problems, would it not disappoint the people who took the risk of defying curfew several times to make the last Jana Andolan (people’s movement) a success?

The Nepalese people are closely watching the moves and political behaviour of the parties and their leaders. They don’t want to be betrayed by political leaders any more. People’s anger will now be turned towards political actors, mainly towards the Seven Party Alliance and CPN (Maoists), if they failed to put the derailed constitutional and democratic processes on the right tract due to their irrational and amateurish behaviour and approaches, against the spirit of the recent political movement. Until Maoists surrender their arms and join the mainstream politics of the country through peaceful and legitimate means under the rule of law for working together with SPA and others for creating a new legitimate political and constitutional order, the people will remain vigilant. The question is how far the national actors are capable and prepared to transition the change process without being unduly influenced by external elements? Are the new changes going to be our for us? Failure of the political forces to respect the verdict of the people will certainly disappoint them.

You as a constitutional expert must contribute to the constitution making process in coming days. What major constitutional issues should the CA address?

As a citizen of Nepal and also as a student of constitutionalism, I must not fail to contribute my share in coalition and coordination with other colleagues. Every individual of the country, especially those who have been hitherto excluded from the participatory process should be enabled to contribute in the CA process. New inclusive democratic devices may have to be created to allow maximum participation of the people. But equal attention should be paid not to allow wrong elements to erode the process of chance. More damage might be done by undemocratic elements and antinational factors. We must accept CA as an inclusive democratic process. It may not necessarily produce a better Constitution than the earlier one. But CA has a symbolic value: it represents people as a collective author of the Constitution. The people should not be left under the impression that the Constitution framed by CA can address all political problems of the nation. In many countries, including France, Russia, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, the Constitutions framed by CA did not last long and could not deliver any good. In some countries, like Soviet Russia and Israel, the CA was not able to even deliver a Constitution. We must not forget that a Constitution is simply a legitimate tool, if the political forces are capable to skilfully use the tool in the interest of the people, it can deliver good results. Otherwise, we may have to wait for another decade for drafting from seventh to eighth Constitution without any rational democratic exercises. As far as the model of CA is concerned, there are indirect, direct, proportional representative, and a blend of multiple electoral processes that may be borrowed to create a CA of a real inclusive character. The latest model is the Bolivian model which would be used in July 2006. But for Nepal, we will have to make our own choice that suits us best. Without any reservation, I can say that it must be of democratic and inclusive character, and simple in form. A serious study must be made by experts and political and social scientists for suggesting a right model of CA for the country. But before that a consensus must be reached by all relevant political forces without any prejudice and biases about the mandate to be given to CA before we start talking about the possible models.

What the forthcoming CA can do through the new Constitution that the 1990 Constitution could not do?

Few issues that were not included in the 1990 Constitution, such as local government structure, representation of minority groups, gender, federal (or unitary) feature of provincial governance, national army under civilian control, secularism, ceremonial monarchy, republicanism, etc., have already come to the surface for public discussions. But the danger is always there that while trying to include everything, we may end up losing everything. Hence, the Constitution should never be an emotional document, it should always be an objective charter that serves the interest of the nation best. It should not be an abstract document loaded by theories and concepts alone, it must be a functional document that can be effectively implemented.

Are you in favour of a republican form of Government? What is the future of monarchy?

As long as a democratic system is in place under a pluralistic constitutional framework, I am not against any form of Government. The Nepalese people have repeatedly voiced against all forms of autocratic system and they have always publicly demonstrated their immense faith in democracy during the past several decades, especially through the last two but very peaceful and powerful political movements (two Jana-andolans) that Nepal does not have any alternative to a pluralistic democratic system. I don’t want to make any guess and speak on behalf of the people, but I am sure, they will decide through ballots in the Constituent Assembly as to what form of Government would be best suited for Nepal. So far, I have sensed that the people and the leading democratic forces still favouring a parliamentary form of government with a ‘ceremonial monarchy’ as Head of the State. But they are hesitant to admit that. They don’t want to see any loopholes in the new system that allows the Head of the State, whether a ceremonial monarch or an elected president still to unconstitutionally usurp state power. Of course, the people are angry against the authoritarian and unpopular political behaviour and attitude of some individual monarchs, but in view of the geopolitical, cultural and historical context of Nepal they may not be in favour of abolishing monarchy yet. Actually, the future of monarchy in Nepal will depend on the wisdom of the monarch himself. Authoritarianism has no place in Nepal anymore. But this is to be decided by the people through the proposed CA, I don’t want to make any prediction about it.

What about the future of Royal Nepalese Army in Nepal under the newly drafted Constitution by the CA?

As far as the Nepalese Army is concerned, the 1990 Constitution itself has brought it through Article 118 under the civilian fold. It is the subsequent governments that failed in the past to bring the army under the constitutional and civilian folds through legislative changes. Nepal simply needs a more professional, competent, and people and human rights oriented army guided by legal norms under the national legal framework. I believe, even the army want to see so. Politicians should abstain from making irrational and irresponsible statements about the army which are bound to humiliate and distance them.

(Courtesy: Spotlight)

(Editor’s Note: Nepalis, wherever they live, as well as friends of Nepal around the globe are requested to contribute their views/opinions/recollections etc. on issues concerning present day Nepal to the Guest Column of Nepalnews. Length of the article should not be more than 1,000 words and may be edited for the purpose of clarity and space. Relevant photos as well as photo of the author may also be sent along with the article. Please send your write-ups to [email protected])

They were the public face of the 15-month-old royal regime. They had long term plans to entrench the regime and continue to run the show under the royal patronage. But thanks to the ‘jana andolan’ 2006, former Home Minister Kamal Thapa, former Foreign Minister Ramesh Nath Pandey, former Local Development Minister Tanka Dhakal, former minister of state for Information and Communications Shris Shumsher Rana and former assistant minister Nikshya Shumsher Rana had their dreams shattered.

From left to right :Former Home Minister Kamal Thapa, Foreign Minister Ramesh Nath Pandey, Local Development Tanka Dhakal, Information and Communications State Minister Shrish Shumsher Rana and Assistant Minister for Health Nikshya Shumsher Rana (File photo)

Fate of the key functionaries of the royal government was sealed as soon as the new government announced the formation of a high-level, powerful judicial commission to probe into atrocities committed by the members of the royal regime to suppress the people’s movement. In its first meeting held at its newly installed office at Harihar Bhavan in Lalitpur on Friday, the Commission asked the government to take into control the members of the erstwhile royal cabinet for their role in suppressing the ‘people’s movement’ and suspend chiefs of all security agencies “to avoid loss or damage to evidence” that would be crucial in the course of the investigation.

The Commission, led by former Justice at the Supreme Court Krishna Jung Rayamajhi, summoned newly appointed Home Minister Krishna Sitaula at its office and handed him over their crucial decisions. Within hours, the emergency meeting of the seven-member council of ministers was in progress and the government issued orders to detain five key members of the former royal government and suspend nine senior security officials including chiefs of three security agencies.

The former ministers have been issued 90-day detention orders under the ‘Public Security Act 2047 B. S.’ and the government has accused them of “conspiring against people’s sovereignty and the outcome of people’s movement 2006.” Former Ministers Thapa, Dhakal and Shrish Shumsher Rana are being kept at the Police Training Academy at Maharajgunj where former premier Sher Bahadur Deuba spent nearly nine months during the royal regime. Former Minister Pandey and junior minister Rana have been kept at the Pahara Barrack, Tripureswore, where former minister and Nepali Congress (Democratic) leader, Prakash Man Singh, was detained.

The controversial Royal Commission on Corruption Control (RCCC) had detained former premier Deuba and Shrestha on charge of indulging in corruption while awarding contract of the multi-million dollar Melamchi Water Supply Project. Both of them denied any wrongdoings. The Supreme Court later scrapped the Commission terming it as an ‘unconstitutional body.’

The newly installed government was under tremendous pressure from within the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and general public to take action against those responsible for suppressing the people’s movement. At least 21 people lost their lives and over 5,000 pro-democracy activists were injured during the pro-democracy demonstrations. Perhaps, top on the list for being responsible to suppress the movement is then Home Minister Kamal Thapa. Thapa started his political career in the eighties as the first elected president of the student body, Rastrabadi Bidyarthi Mandal– that supported the then partyless Panchayat regime. He served as the minister of state for Information and Communications in the Panchayat government that suppressed people’s movement of 1990. The Mallik Commission, that was formed after the movement, had recommended action against Thapa, among others, but he got scot free as the then interim government led by K P Bhattarai refused to implement the report.

Another advocate of direct rule of the king, Tanka Dhakal was appointed government’s spokesman as soon as King Gyanendra seized power in February 2005. His job was to defend the royal move and is known for introducing the controversial media ordinance aimed at controlling the independent media. He was later transferred to the local development ministry when the royal government decided to hold controversial municipal polls boycotted by major political parties.

A journalist-turned-politician, minister of state for Information and Communications Shris Shumsher Rana is also known as hard-liner within the royal regime. As people’s movement 2006 progressed at the call of the Seven Party’s Alliance (SPA), Rana was easily accessible to foreign media and tried his best to defend the regime and blame the SPA. He is also known for claiming that Nepali media enjoyed ‘absolute freedom’ in the country.

Assistant Minister Nikhsya Shumsher Rana was known for organizing small rallies in Kathmandu during the multi-party governments calling upon the king to take over. Chairman of Rastriya Ekata Parishad, a royalist outfit, Rana was awarded for his loyalty as the junior minister in the royal cabinet.

Perhaps sensing the changing mood of the nation, the high-profile Foreign Minister of the royal government Ramesh Nath Pandey kept himself ‘low profile’ throughout ‘jana andolan.’ He, however, was busy hosting cocktail parties for Kathmandu-based diplomats at his residence where delicacies from five-star hotels were served. Reports say Shital Niwas reimbursed over a million rupees for his extravaganza. Blamed for ‘distorting’ country’s independent and neutral foreign policy, Foreign Ministry under Pandey summoned ambassadors of India. UK and USA repeatedly at Shital Niwas and sought clarifications from them for their remarks that made the royal regime uncomfortable.

In an interview with Nepalnews early this year, Pandey said incumbent foreign ministers usually did not publish their memoirs while in office and that he wanted to be an exception. As things have turned now, it seems his wishes might remain unfulfilled.