With the dismissal of elected government led by Sher Bahadur Deuba in October 4, 2002 and postponement of the elections of the House of Representatives, Nepal ’s political crisis had entered into a new phase with deepening political crisis widening the gap between country’s major political forces – monarchy and organized political parties. In absence of elected parliament, the power has centralized to the King resulting in the experiments of various forms of nominated unaccountable governments in the last four years. The February 1, 2005 resulted in the rise of extreme rightists and extremist communists in the center-stage of politics concentrating more power in the hands of the King. As the elections of parliament is the only way to transfer the power from the King to the people, political forces must agree to hold credible elections so that people are made powerful and the king is made powerless but with full prestige

By KESHAB POUDEL

Leaders of opposition political parties are pressing King Gyanendra to transfer the power he retained following the dissolution of House of Representatives and dismissal of the elected government led by Sher Bahadur Deuba in October 4, 2002 and new step taken on February 1, 2005 .

The King stepped in the politics in a vacuum of power in the parliament but political parties are yet to accept the fact that holding a credible election of parliament is the only way out to transfer power to the people.

Following the dismissal of the elected government led by Deuba on the ground of its inability to hold the elections of the House of Representatives on schedule, the power has shifted from the parliament to the King – who is now exercising extraordinary constitutional power appointing the governments on his own wish. In the last four years, the King has already experimented with four governments. As long as the parliament is not reconvened through the fresh elections, the King will continue to exercise similar power in future.

“The way out of the present political stalemate is to have the parliament with all the legitimate powers that the constitution has provided. If the election is held, all these powers which the King has been exercising for the last four years will automatically shift to the parliament and the King will remain ceremonial as the constitution has prescribed,” said a political analyst.

The question is how to convene the parliament then. The valid way to convene the parliament is through the elections or through reinstatement by the King as ad-hoc temporary measure. Without holding the elections, however, one cannot have the parliament with the backing of the common people – but political parties are not yet in a mood to participate for elections.

Unnecessary Deadlock

Although the leaders of organized political parties are demanding the transfer of power to the people, their arguments do not give any reason to believe that they are genuinely concerned for such transfer. Had they really been interested to strengthen the power of people, they should accept the challenge of holding the elections of parliament.

Instead of convening the parliament with sole aim of transferring power to the people, political leaders are demanding the reinstatement of House of Representatives to pave the way for holding the elections of Constituent Assembly – which, they claim, will decide the fate of monarchy. By pressing such demands, the leaders of organized political parties are serving the interest of extremists even as the King delays the process transfer of power.

“There is no question to take part in the elections held by the government nominated by the King,” said vice president of Nepali Congress Sushil Koirala. “Only through the holding of elections for Constituent Assembly by the reinstated parliament can provide the way out of present political crisis,” said Koirala. “The new constituent assembly will decide the fate of everything including monarchy.”

Even his party boss and former prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala, whose commitment to make people powerful is unquestionable, is pushing unrealistic demands toeing lines of junior Koirala.

Koirala’s statement is creating more political trouble extending the tenure of first vice chairman Dr. Giri and his team. “How could the King reinstate the parliament in accordance with the advice of Koirala duo which will ultimately decide his own fate?” asked an analyst. “This is sheer foolishness.”

So far as the reinstatement of parliament is concerned, it could be a short and stopgap political arrangement only with a certain goal. Such parliament will not have the same support from the people as previous and, therefore, it will not have the similar strength as elected parliament. Any political arrangement made under the discretion of the King will not have the same legitimacy and command the same respect as elected parliament.

If there is a broad agreement, such (reinstated) parliament could be used to find out a leader to form an ad-hoc government to hold an election of parliament on a schedule agreed by all. Beyond that this kind of reinstatement of parliament would not be considered as the true and up-to-date opinion reflections of the people.

At a time when political parties are launching the agitation aligning with Maoists and King Gyanendra is leading the government consisting of all previous extremists hardliners of erstwhile Panchayat period, the possibility to develop political understanding is very deem. First of all, leaders of political parties must change their present uncompromising stand and speak the political language with due respects to the institution of monarchy. These kinds of attitude will force hardliners in King’s camp to change their tone.

“If political parties will not break their alliance with Maoist, we will deal them as par with the Maoists,” said Home minister Kamal Thapa, whose recent statement is also causing more harm to the process of reconciliation. Thapa, who is a cool and calculating politician – has a personal history of playing a crucial role in destabilization of political process in Nepal . In between 1995-1996, he was a major player pulling three coalition governments out of power including two governments led by former prime ministers Lokendra Bahadur Chand and Surya Bahadur Thapa. “Revival of House of Representatives is impossible and seven parties are guided by foreign influence,” he said last week.

Thanks to Home Minister Thapa, there are now three factions in the pro-monarchist Rastriya Prajatantra Party. Just a year ago, home minister Thapa provoked RPP leadership in the extent to destabilize the government of Surya Bahadur Thapa paving the way for the first split. Finally, a few months ago home minister Thapa broke RPP taking a faction of leaders and workers with him. Thapa’s action neither strengthens the base of monarchy nor helps to stabilize political process.

“First vice chairman Dr. Tulsi Giri and home minister Kamal Thapa are hatching dangerous conspiracy against all political parties preventing the possibility of reconciliation between the King and the political parties,” said RPP leader Pashupati Shumsher Rana in an interaction organized by Reporter’s Club.

For the reinstatement also, a political understanding is needed between the King and the political parties of the previous parliament. As insisted by Nepal ’s foreign friends, reconciliation is the urgent need of the country. And this only can make the King as respectable and non-controversial as the constitution has perceived – powerless as it has made him.

“As long as this interim gap continues like the present one, extremists and opportunists of extreme ends will have a louder voice whether it is in the street or it is in the government. Extremism is in nobody’s interest. It is not in the interest of the King nor it is in the interest of Army as both these institutions need cover and protection of popular institutions like the parliament and the government accountable to it,” said an analyst. “Once the parliament convenes, the King will be without power but with enormous respect. To make him powerless, why couldn’t there be a national consensus to hold the elections within three months if not in three weeks.”

Thanks to the extremists in the opposition political camp, first vice chairman Dr. Tulsi Giri, who is known for his well homework and analytical capability, and home minister Thapa have ample reasons to rejoice as they will easily confuse the King by interpreting the statements of political leaders.

Even in recent public gathering of media persons, Dr. Giri gave wrong prescription without showing the positive side of the first phase of functional constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy when three national elections and two local elections were successfully held.

“King Gyanendra is wrongly advised by first vice chairman Dr. Giri that the reconciliation between the King and political parties will not solve the present crisis citing the previous phase of cordial relationship between the King and the political parties when Maoist insurgency was launched. Dr. Giri overlooks a fact that the institution of monarchy was not at frontal attack both internally and externally then. Slogans were directed against prime ministers and political networks of the prime minister were there to explain to the people at the grass root all over the country. Now the situation has changed. Persons like Dr. Giri, Thapa and Tanka Dhakal, who have been making every accusation against the leaders of organized political parties – are not currently under attack as the King himself has to face that. Previously, prime ministers were there as shields in defense of the King,” added the political analyst.

Of course, Maoist problem was there but constitution or monarchy were not in controversy. There was no single session in the parliament that debated against the constitution and constitutional monarchy. Dr. Giri -a person who was for a long time in political hibernation in India – is unaware of that situation.

One of the senior most civil servants working with B.P. Koirala and Dr. Tulsi Giri has recently made his observation on Dr. Giri. “Dr. Tulsi Giri, who was very close to B.P. Koirala used to say that I am ready to follow Sandaju (B.P) up to the ditch but I will not accompany him inside the ditch,” observed Kumar Mani Dixit, who served as secretary to prime minister B.P. Koirala in 1960. “Even King Mahendra told his son Birendra never to appoint Tulsi Giri as a prime minister. But, he was active from the reign of King Birendra to King Gyanendra.” (See Kantipur 25 March, 2006 )

Elections of Parliament

The past four years of experiences have shown that lack of parliament is the source of all political problems giving role to conspirators, opportunists and unaccountable people in the corridors of power. Interestingly, the leaders of political parties – who are supposed to play role in parliament – seem to be in no mood to shorten this interim gap.

“There must be a parliament and the election of the parliament is only way out to settle the political problem. To hold the elections, a conducive atmosphere for the participation of all political parties should be created,” said former attorney general and senior advocate Motikazi Sthapit, who had served three prime ministers continuously after the promulgation of the constitution.

“Only through the parliament, the power will be transferred to people,” said Sthapit who has given his opinion on several controversial matters including in the Mallik Commission Report. Instead of taking the notice of populist side, which demanded severe punishments to those high-level officials and politicians (many ministers in present government) indicted by the Commission, senior advocate Sthapit was the person to advise the King as well as prime minister what the law was.

Although institution of monarchy- which is the factor of stability and national independence – shares many common interest with liberal democratic parties, both the institutions are yet to start negotiations on the basis of their common interest.

“We need to start the negotiations so that the process of activation of constitution will begin and elections of parliament are possible,” said Nepali Congress Shailaja Acharya. “Our party is centrist party and we must maintain equidistance with communists and rightists.”

Extremists are not a dependable friend of monarchy and liberal political parties but both of them are currently trapped in the vicious circle of extremism pushing the country into unstable and more anarchical phase.

The recent political development of Thailand proves wrong the arguments given by extremist monarchists that a constitutional monarch is weak and it does not have any political role to play. Despite no constitutional power, how the monarchy in Thailand is regarded as a respected and influential institution at the time of crisis, gives ample evidence of this fact.

When parliament was functional and there was conflict among political parties, they all eyed the role of the King. There are many instances in the past when political leaders expected some role from the King in ending the political stalemates.

Under the active monarchy and without shield of parliament, all political forces have weakened. The King is compelled to appoint rightist extremists in his cabinet and liberal democratic forces are compelled to align with extremist communists. King Gyanendra and leaders of liberal democratic parties know that extremists are not serving their interests but they have no immediate option as both of them heavily rely on them.

“Our party is heading towards the wrong way siding with the communists,” said Shailaja Acharya. “As a centrist party, we were effective in our own space,” said Acharya.

More the extremists are given the roles to play; more it will prolong the life of ad-hoc arrangement like the present one weakening all internal political forces. Whether it is for reconciliation or transfer of power, the parliament is necessary. If there emerge political understanding between monarch and political parties, nothing is impossible including the revival of the House for temporary purpose to form a government to hold the fresh elections or holding the elections under a credible government without reinstatement the previous one.

“The best way to settle the present political crisis is to hold the elections for the House of Representatives by forming all party government representing the previous parliament. The time is running out and the King must reach out to the political parties,” said RPP chairman Rana. “Only new elected parliament will have the mandate to run the country towards any direction.”

For this Nepali Congress leadership, in particular, and seven party alliance, in general, too, have to change their tone and stand to pave the way for negotiations. The King also must direct his nominated ministers not to go beyond the limit by engaging in provocations and incitements.

“The reconciliation between the King and the political parties is necessary to bring the peace in the country and to hold the elections,” said second vice chairman Kirtinidhi Bista. At a time when his entire cabinet colleagues are speaking the provocative statements, Bista’s language of reconciliation, too, is meaningful.

Whether one likes it or not, the present political crisis is the result of lack of elected parliament. Once the election is held for parliament with credible arrangements, the power will automatically shift from the King to the people. The only way to weaken the King requires a functional parliament.

Courtesy : Spotlight