Kathmandu: Comrade Prachanda in his fresh statement says that his party will now acquire a strategically offensive posture against the “old regime” which appears he has already set on that path taking into account the recent spate of violent activities his “people’s army” have unleashed against the State security personnel.

Just to counter the Maoist threat the State security personnel too presumably have acquired a similar posture which gets reflected from the killings of the rebels in numbers. Undoubtedly, the losses on the rebel side are too big, numerically speaking.

However, what is common in both is that the innocent civilians are also being killed in the process.

Comrade Prachanda immediately after the suspension of the third round of talks had made it abundantly clear that continuing talks with the old regime was simply meaningless since the latter wished to seduce the Maoists to come under the umbrella of a constitution which, in their opinion, was as good as a dead one, specially after the October 4 moves of the King last year.

“A party that advocated republicanism has come down to the demand for a constituent assembly”, said Comrade Prachanda in the said statement.

His statement clearly indicates that his party would now not come down than the constituent assembly to which the “old regime” under Thapa would not accept under normal circumstances. However, immediately after the abrupt failure of the third round of talks, government sources had hinted that they could have talked on that line as well suggesting that the government could sit on the table again to discuss the matter with the Maoists.

Conflicting reports from Nepal’s political parties continue to boggle the minds of the general population. If, for instance, Deuba’s congress would not mind granting the elections to the constituent assembly provided the rebels laid down their arms, then for the Girija’s congress it is different. It should be clear to Deuba that neither the rebels will lay down their arms nor Deuba will have to come to the rescue of the Maoists. With the arms and the ammunitions, the Maoists are Maoists or else what is in the name? Unconditional surrender of the arms by the rebels at time of the peace-talks neither has happened anywhere in the world nor the Nepali rebels would do so simply to please Deuba.

Girija and his party, as per its manifesto accepted some fifty years ago continue to advocate a constitutional monarchy in the country. However, it could abandon its stand on constitutional monarchy if the King did not yield to their party’s demands which being the reinstatement of the now dissolved house and an all-party government invested with all the executive powers that they consider still lay with the King.

“We can go to any extent against the monarchy should the King continue to ignore our eighteen point demands”, says a congressite close to Girija. This means that if the King toed the congress line then they will as usual favor a constitutional monarchy and if the King doesn’t show any inclination to yield to their political demands would mean that the congress can join hands of the Maoists for a republican state as demanded primarily by the insurgents.

A further analysis of the congress’ present stance makes it amply clear that any one who differs with their political stance should prepare himself to face the wrath of the party which can extend to any length. This should explain congress’ pattern of functioning.

There are some UML stalwarts who too advocate the idea of constituent assembly. However, the central command has so far remained silent on this question. Instead the party has from the beginning ignored the Maoists demand for a constituent assembly. But yet what could be predicted is that the party, the UML, will presumably not wait ad infinitum, for the King’s positive response to their eighteen points demand. For the UML, acuiring power at any cost is the real issue. The party now cares little of the deteriorating fate of the country. All that the party now needs is the chair in Singh Durbar. Who knows time permitting the party might out of frustration join the ranks of the Maoists and begin demanding not only a constituent assembly but going much beyond that?

So far, the UML leaders has exhibited their restraint on the matters raised by the Maoist rebels and appear in favor of the talks so that peace is restored in the country.

The smaller Left parties are in a fix. Because of their meager strength, the smaller ones appear more like the tails of the bigger parties than in reality a political force. The splinter group of the Sadbhavana, the miniscule NMKP and the party led by Amik Sherchan in effect are political entities albeit but virtually having no say in nation’s politics. This makes them to toe the lines of bigger friends with a hope that they too get the power booty if their bigger friends bounce back to power.

Amik Sherchan, for one, at times has said that the demand of the rebels for a constituent assembly should be given a chance. The NMKP leader Narayan Man has yet to speak his mind.

The ruling RPP leader, Pashupati Rana has made it repeatedly clear that the elections to the constituent assembly is out of question in the present day context.

All put together, leaders themselves appear divided on the issue of the constituent assembly which is what is hampering the cause of the Maoists rebels.

Unless the rebels convince their fellow colleagues in other political paraphernalia for a chorus with regard to the constituent assembly, the establishment does not appear to be in a mood to grant it so easily as might have been thought of by the insurgents.